Several extremist Israeli colonists attacked, on Tuesday evening, a Palestinian farmer and his wife while working on their lands in Wadi Qana area in Deir Istiya town, northwest of Salfit, in central West Bank.
Sa’id Zidan, the mayor of Deir Istiya, said at least eighty colonists invaded Palestinian farmlands in Wadi Qana, before some of them started hurling stones at Jihad Khaled Mansour and his wife Amna Abdul-Rahim Zidan.
Zidan added that the colonists attacked the couple before several farmers, and shepherds rushed to their aid.
In related news, Israeli soldiers closed the eastern road of Deir Istiya, and prevented the Palestinians from entering or leaving it.
NABLUS, Wednesday, March 10, 2021 (WAFA) – Israeli forces Wednesday morning demolished several structures in Eyn Shibli village, east of the occupied West Bank city of Nablus, according to an official.
Ghassan Daghlas, who monitors colonial settlement activities in the northern West Bank, said that Israeli forces escorted bulldozers into the village, where the heavy machineries tore down several shops, covering an area of 500 square meters and belonging to Jamal al-Omari, and his brother, Mazen.
Confrontations erupted when the villagers confronted the demolition operation and the Israeli troops opened fire towards them. Several villagers got suffocated due to inhaling the tear gas.
Located some 16 kilometers to the east of Nablus city, Ein Shibli currently has a population of some 350 and occupies an approximate area of 770 dunams. Its villager are originally refugees who were driven out of their homes in Jaffa and al-Hamma village in what is become known as Israel in 1948.
Under the Oslo Accords, an agreement made 25 years ago that was supposed to last just five years towards a self-governing country alongside Israel, the Palestinian Authority was given limited control over a pocket of land accounting for almost 68 percent of the village’s total area. In contrast, Israel maintains control over the remainder, classified as Area C.
The village is flanked by the Beqaot and Hamra Israeli colonial settlements, located to the east and south of the village, as well as the Beqaot military base to the east of the village.
Israel has also set to two military checkpoints; the Hamra permanent checkpoint and al-Badhan temporary checkpoint, to the east and west of the village, and seized part of the village land for constructing the Israeli bypass Road No. 57, pushing the villagers into a crowded enclave, a ghetto, surrounded by walls, settlements and military installations.
Israeli refuses to permit virtually any Palestinian construction in Area C, which constitutes 60 percent of the occupied West Bank and falls under full Israeli military rule, forcing residents to build without obtaining rarely-granted permits to provide shelters for their families.
In contrast, Israel much more easily gives over 700,000 Jewish Israeli settlers there building permits and provides them with roads, electricity, water and sewage systems that remain inaccessible to many neighboring Palestinians.
Israeli colonialist settlers, illegally squatting on Palestinian lands, attacked a Palestinian farmer and stole his tractor, while he was working on his land in Deir Nitham village, north of the central West Bank city of Ramallah.
The owner of the lands, Monjid Tamimi, said the colonists invaded his land, near the illegal Halamish colony, which was built in stolen Palestinian lands, and attacked him while plowing his land.
He added that the colonists stole his tractor before forcing him out of his own land, and threatened to harm him if he returns.
Eyewitnesses said many Palestinians noticed the attack and rushed to aid the farmer, before Israeli soldiers arrived at the scene and started firing gas bombs at them, causing many to suffer the effects of teargas inhalation.
Tamimi said the attack is not the first, and added that he has the official deeds proving his ownership of his lands (35 dunams), and stated that, a week ago, the soldiers prevented him from entering his lands after alleging the area is “state-owned.”
A live ordnance exploded, on Tuesday, causing moderate injuries to a Palestinian shepherd while he was grazing his sheep east of Yatta, south of Hebron, in southern West Bank.
Fuad al-Amour, coordinator of the Protection and Steadfastness Committee in Hebron, stated that the unexploded munition, left behind by the Israeli forces, injured the shepherd, Ali Atalah, who was tending to his flock of sheep when the ordnance exploded.
Atalah was transferred to the Aleya government hospital where his injuries were classified as moderate.
Furthermore, a Palestinian minor was injured, on Tuesday, by an explosion caused by the remnants of an Israeli ordnance, according to local sources.
The sources said that the Palestinian child, Taj Sawafta, 13, was injured when the bomb exploded near him, close to the mosque in Tubas city, in northeastern West Bank.
The boy was transferred to the local hospital for treatment, no further information was available at the time of this report.
Israeli soldiers abducted, on Wednesday at dawn, seven Palestinians during extensive searches of homes in Bethlehem and Jenin, in the occupied West Bank.
Media sources in Bethlehem, south of occupied Jerusalem in the West Bank, said the soldiers stormed and ransacked several homes in Beit Fajjar town, south of the city, before abducting Issam Hussein Deeriyya, 22, and Eyad Ahmad Taqatqa, 20.
They added that the soldiers also invaded and searched homes in the al-Khader town, west of Bethlehem, before abducting Mohammad Mamdouh Salah.
The soldiers also abducted Malek Allan, 28, from his home in ‘Aida refugee camp, north of Bethlehem.
Furthermore, the soldiers abducted Amir al-Karam from his home in the northern West Bank city of Jenin, after invading his home and searching it.
The Jenin office of the Palestinian Prisoners’ Society (PPS) said the soldiers also abducted Ezzeddin Yousef Freihat, from his home in the al-Yamoun town, west of Jenin, and Mo’tasem Fayez Jaradat, from his home in Sielet al-Harithiya village, northwest of the city.
It is worth mentioning that the soldiers also invaded the Sielet ath-Thaher town, south of Jenin, before violently searching the home of Monir Othman Mousa, along with several homes owned by members of the Sarjoun family.
During the invasion into Sielet ath-Thaher, the soldiers detained Nathmi Othman Mousa, and interrogated him for a few hours before releasing him.
The soldiers also invaded Toura al-Gharbiyya village, southwest of Jenin, and chased many Palestinians in its streets and alleys, in addition to firing live rounds and concussion grenades, before withdrawing without conducting any arrests.
In related news, the soldiers abducted the Imam of the Al-Aqsa Mosque in occupied Jerusalem, Sheikh Ekrima Sabri, after invading his home in the Suwwana neighborhood in the city.
Israeli soldiers invaded, Wednesday, Wadi al-Hummus area, east of Bethlehem, south of occupied Jerusalem in the West Bank, and handed a demolition order targeting an under-construction home.
Hasan Breijiyya, the head of the Bethlehem office of the Wall & Colonization Resistance Commission, said the demolition order targets the one-story 200 square/meters under-construction home of Amjad Jihad Ja’abis, allegedly for being built without a permit from the Civil Administration Office, the administrative branch of the illegal Israeli occupation.
The home is near Dar Salah village, and close to Murad Tourist Resort, east of Bethlehem.
Breijiyya added that the home is in Area B of the West Bank, under Palestinian civil control, and added that Ja’abis obtained all needed permits from the Palestinian Ministry of Local Government and is not required to obtain a permit from the Israeli Civil Administration Office.
Starting in the year 2019, the Wadi al-Hummus area started facing serious Israeli violations, which include the demolition of dozens of homes and structures, especially since Israel wants to control more lands for the construction and expansion of its illegal colonies, built in direct violation of International Law, the Fourth Geneva Convention, to which Israel is a signatory and a constant violator, in addition to various United Nations and Security Council resolutions.
Gaza Strip (QNN)- The Israeli navy on Wednesday morning opend fire at Palestinian fishing boats sailing offshore Gaza city.
Local sources said that the navy opened gunfire and water hoses at Palestinian fishing boats sailing within six nautical miles offshore the city, causing damage to at least one boat.
The Israeli navy deliberately targets fishing boats on a daily basis, preventing nearly 3600 fishermen from earning living. The Israelis open fire, use water cannons, and damage fishing nets and boats’ engines in their efforts to terrorize fishermen.
Israeli occupation released the preacher of Al-Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem on Wednesday, hours after arresting him from his home.
Israeli occupation police and intelligence agents arrested Sheikh Ekrima Sabri earlier Wednesday after raiding his home in East Jerusalem.
Speaking to Anadolu Agency after his release, Sheikh Sabri said Israeli security forces raided his home to arrest him for planning to take part in the commemoration of Isra and Mi’raj at Bab Al-Rahma area in Jerusalem.
Sabri said he was accused of violating an Israeli court decision that closed the Bab al-Rahma gate at the Al-Aqsa Mosque complex.
Isra and Miraj commemorate Muslim Prophet Muhammad’s nighttime journey from Mecca to the Al-Aqsa Mosque from where he ascended temporarily into heaven.
The occasion is generally observed on the 27th day of Rajab, the seventh month of the Islamic calendar.
Dubbing the reason for his detention “trivial,” Sheikh Sabri said he told the Israeli security officers that the mosque is still open for prayer and that religious ceremonies can take place in any part of it, Anadolu Agency said.
“This was my position, and the intelligence service was unable to charge me with anything that deserves to be referred to court,” he added.
Israeli occupation authorities have arrested the 82-year old preacher several times in the past and even banned him from entering Al-Aqsa Mosque for several months.
In February 2019, the Religious Endowments Authority, a Jordan-run agency mandated with overseeing East Jerusalem’s Muslim and Christian holy sites, announced the reopening of the Bab al-Rahma gate after a 16-year hiatus.
Since the reopening of the gate, Israeli police have several times issued orders to remove worshippers from there.
Israel occupied East Jerusalem, in which the Al-Aqsa is located, during the 1967 Arab-Israeli War. It annexed the entire city in 1980 in a move never recognized by the international community.
Sacred to Muslims, Christians and Jews, Jerusalem is home to the Al-Aqsa Mosque, which for Muslims represents the world’s third holiest site.
Jews refer to the area as the “Temple Mount,” claiming it was the site of two prominent Jewish temples in ancient times. The complex also includes the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, one of the most sacred Christian sites in the world.
Many Palestinian intellectuals and political analysts find themselves in the unenviable position of having to declare a stance on whether they support or reject upcoming Palestinian elections that are scheduled for May 22 and July 30. But there are no easy answers. The long-awaited decree by Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas last January to hold legislative and presidential elections in the coming months was widely welcomed, not as a triumph for democracy but as the first tangible positive outcome of dialogue between rival Palestinian factions, mainly Abbas’ Fatah party and Hamas. As far as inner Palestinian dialogue is concerned, the elections, if held unobstructed, could present a ray of hope that, finally, Palestinians in the Occupied Territories will enjoy a degree of democratic representation, a first step toward a more comprehensive representation that could include millions of Palestinians outside the Occupied Territories. But even such humble expectations are conditioned on many “ifs”: Only if Palestinian factions honor their commitments to the Istanbul Agreement of Sept. 24; only if Israel allows Palestinians, including Jerusalemites, to vote unhindered and refrains from arresting Palestinian candidates; only if the US-led international community accepts the outcome of the democratic elections without punishing victorious parties and candidates; only if the legislative and presidential elections are followed by the more consequential and substantive elections in the Palestinian National Council (PNC) — the Palestinian Parliament in exile — and so on. If any one of these conditions is unsatisfactory, the May elections are likely to serve no practical purpose, aside from giving Abbas and his rivals the veneer of legitimacy, thus allowing them to buy yet more time and acquire yet more funds from their financial benefactors. All of this compels us to consider the following question: Is democracy possible under military occupation? Almost immediately following the last democratic Palestinian legislative elections in 2006, the outcome of which displeased Israel, 62 Palestinian ministers and members of the new parliament were thrown into prison, with many still imprisoned. History is repeating itself as Israel has already begun its arrest campaigns of Hamas leaders and members in the West Bank. On Feb. 22, more than 20 Palestinian activists, including Hamas officials, were detained as a clear message from the Israeli occupation to Palestinians that Israel does not recognize their dialogue, their unity agreements or their democracy. Two days later, 67-year-old Hamas leader, Omar Barghouti, was summoned by the Israeli military intelligence in the occupied West Bank and warned against running in the May elections. “The Israeli officer warned me not to run in the upcoming elections and threatened me with imprisonment if I did,” Barghouti was quoted as saying by Al-Monitor. The Palestinian Basic Law allows prisoners to run for elections, whether legislative or presidential, simply because the most popular among Palestinian leaders are often behind bars. Marwan Barghouti is one. Imprisoned since 2002, Barghouti remains Fatah’s most popular leader, though appreciated more by the movement’s young cadre, as opposed to Abbas’ old guard. The latter group has immensely benefited from the corrupt system of political patronage on which the 85-year-old president has constructed his authority. To sustain this corrupt system, Abbas and his clique labored to marginalize Barghouti, leading to the suggestion that Israel’s imprisonment of Fatah’s vibrant leader serves the interests of the current Palestinian president. This claim has much substance, not only because Abbas has done little to pressure Israel to release Barghouti but also because all credible public opinion polls suggest that Barghouti is far more popular among Fatah’s supporters — in fact all Palestinians — than Abbas. On Feb. 11, Abbas dispatched Hussein Al-Sheikh, the minister of civilian affairs and a member of Fatah’s Central Committee, to dissuade Barghouti from running in the upcoming presidential elections. An ideal scenario for the Palestinian president would be to take advantage of Barghouti’s popularity by having him lead the Fatah list in the contest for the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC). Hence, Abbas could ensure a strong turnout by Fatah supporters while securing the chair of the presidency for himself. Barghouti vehemently rejected Abbas’ request, thus raising an unexpected challenge to Abbas, who now risks dividing the Fatah vote, losing the PLC elections, again, to Hamas and losing the presidential elections to Barghouti. Between the nightly raids and crackdowns by the Israeli military and the political intrigues within the divided Fatah movement, one wonders if the elections, if they take place, will finally allow Palestinians to mount a united front in the struggle against Israeli occupation and for Palestinian freedom. Then, there is the issue of the possible position of the “international community” regarding the outcome of the elections. News reports speak of efforts made by Hamas to seek guarantees from Qatar and Egypt “to ensure Israel will not pursue its representatives and candidates in the upcoming elections,” Al-Monitor also reported. But what kind of guarantees can Arab countries obtain from Tel Aviv, and what kind of leverage can Doha and Cairo have when Israel continues to disregard the UN, international law, the International Criminal Court, and so on?
Nevertheless, can Palestinian democracy afford to subsist in its state of inertia? Abbas’ mandate as president expired in 2009, the PLC’s mandate expired in 2010 and, in fact, the Palestinian Authority was set up as an interim political body whose function should have ceased in 1999. Since then, the “Palestinian leadership” has not enjoyed legitimacy among Palestinians, deriving its relevance, instead, from the support of its benefactors, who are rarely interested in supporting democracy in Palestine. The only silver lining in this story is that Fatah and Hamas have also agreed on the restructuring of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), which is now largely monopolized by Abbas’ Fatah movement. Whether the democratic revamping of the PLO takes place or not largely depends on the outcome of the May and July elections. Palestine, like other countries, including Israel, does have a crisis of political legitimacy. Since Palestine is an occupied land with little or no freedom, one is justified in arguing that true democracy under these horrific conditions cannot possibly be achieved.
Israeli gunboats fired machine guns and water cannons at fishing boats during their presence within six nautical miles off the shore of Gaza City
The Israeli occupation navy, on Wednesday morning, attacked Palestinian fishermen and their boats off the coast of the beleaguered Gaza Strip.
According to the local fishermen committees, Israeli gunboats fired machine guns and water cannons at fishing boats during their presence within six nautical miles off the shore of Gaza City.
At least one fishing boat sustained damage in the Israeli attack.
Israeli naval forces and their gunboats are around Gaza fishermen almost every day, harassing them, shooting at them, damaging their boats, and making arrests. Sometimes fishermen are injured or killed during gunfire attacks.
Under the 1993 Oslo accords, Palestinian fishermen are permitted to fish up to 20 nautical miles off the coast of Gaza, but since then Israel has kept reducing the fishing area gradually to a limit between six to three nautical miles as part of its blockade on Gaza.
Fishermen and human rights groups also say that since the 2008-09 war in Gaza, the Israeli army has been regularly enforcing a limit even closer to the shore.