Israel collects $11 million a year from Palestinians in identity card fees



BETHLEHEM, (PIC)– A Palestinian study revealed that Israel collects 40 million shekels ($11 million) per year from Palestinians, in return for issuing Permits and Magnetic cards that allow them enter the occupied territories and work in the Israeli market.

The Applied Research Institute ARIJ in the city of Bethlehem revealed on Saturday in a study that the Palestinian citizen pays a fee of 100 NIS for the magnetic card.

According to ARIJ’s study, the total number of Palestinian workers in the occupied territories and the settlements reached 100,000 workers who are forced to pay permit fees to be able to work in the 1948-occupied Palestine

The magnetic card was an almost indispensable condition for entry the Occupied Palestinian Territory, although having the card itself was not enough to guarantee receiving a permit, but it is a proof that the people who apply for the permits are not considered a security risk.

(Source / 30.06.2013)

Activist Sireen Khudiri Sawafteh detained and prosecuted for a Facebook page

The 24 year-old human rights activist, Sireen Khudiri Sawafteh, is being detained in the Israeli prison of Eichel for having created a Facebook page that allegedly threatens the security of the State of Israel. On the afternoon of Tuesday 14 May, her car was stopped at a temporary checkpoint on the road between Nablus and her hometown, Tubas. Sireen and the other passenger, Abed al-Majid Sawafteh, were questioned for four hours and then taken into custody by the Israeli forces.

Sireen has been active in denouncing Israeli abuses in the Jordan Valley through Facebook and other tools of communication. However, the accusation raised by Israeli army is of having informed “external enemies” in Syria and Gaza of the prices of weapons in the West Bank. A picture of Sireen holding a gun is claimed to be a proof of her affiliation with armed resistance movements. “I don’t know if the picture is true”, says Rashid, one of her three brothers, “but Sireen has been an activist in the international campaign of the Jordan Valley against violence since 2009 and works in a school where she teaches the principles of nonviolence to children. Maybe she took it for fun, but she is not involved in any kind of violent struggle.”

The court hearings have been repeatedly postponed, as part of a commonly used strategy by the Israeli authorities to gain time with the prisoner. Sireen’s lawyer, Adel Samara, is trying to arrange for Sireen’s transfer to the Ofer Prison−in the West Bank district of Ramallah−in order to begin preparation for her court hearing scheduled for mid-July.

Sireen’s empty room at her family’s home in Tubas, occupied West Bank.

Israel’s detention of West Bank Palestinians across the Green Line and within Israel proper –as in Sireen’s case− contravenes Article 76 of the Fourth Geneva convention. Movement restrictions imposed on Palestinians often make it impossible for both defence councils and family members to reach a prisoner in Israel. Sireen’s brother, Rashid, is the only family member who has been granted a permit to visit her. “The Israeli soldier who brought Sireen into the room pushed her violently, as if she was an animal”, he recalls from his visit to Eichel Prison on 24 June. “For half an hour I could not think of anything else but that scene.”

Sireen will be judged by a military court, in which military orders take precedence over both Israeli domestic and international law. The prosecutors are Israeli soldiers and the defendants are never Israeli citizens, but Palestinians accused of “security violations”—a term that can be applied to a wide range of activities, including nonviolent protests.

Sireen has not been physically harmed, but has been subjected to constant psychological harassment and humiliation. When forced to undergo strip and body searches, Sireen’s request to close the door so that male soldiers outside the room would not see her undress was refused. Male officers may burst into her cell at any time without warning, laughing if she is found without the veil or with few clothes on. Even when using the toilet, Sireen has to bear the attentive look of an Israeli female soldier.

Such living conditions would strain anyone, but they hit even harder on the psychology of Muslim women, for whom modesty is a matter of moral integrity and honor.  According to the Palestinian Prisoner Support and Human Rights Association, Addameer, humiliation is a common practice in Israeli jails designed to mentally break the prisoners and coerce them into giving confessions.

Sireen’s father sits outside their family home in Tubas, visibly distraught over his daughter’s detention.

Following Sireen’s detention, around twenty-five jeeps entered the town of Tubas during the night and broke into the house where the Sawafteh family was sleeping. They were kept into one room for several hours without food, water and blankets, despite the presence of two children. Three computers—Sireen’s and two other—were sequestered by the Israeli soldiers. “They checked the walls with their guns, they broke a cupboard, then they called me for an interrogation”, Rashid recounts. “They told me to say hi to the PA, and to bring Hamas because ‘we need action’. Then they questioned me on the economical situation of my family, and when I told them that we don’t have a lot of money the soldier asked me to work with them. Obviously I told him I would never work with those who harm the Palestinians”.

The incursion gave spark to a protest among the inhabitants of Tubas, a town located in area A and therefore under total Palestinian military and civil control. Despite this administrative division, established during the Oslo Accords, Israeli forces constantly violate the Palestinian Authority’s sovereignty over the area. During the clashes, tear-gas and sound grenades were fired, leaving 20 years old Omar Abed al-Razaq in serious condition. According to Rashid, who visited his family, when Omar was at the hospital “his brother covered him while he was still unconscious, so when he woke up he did not realize immediately that he had lost one hand and some fingers of the other one. When the family finally gathered the courage to tell him the truth, he started screaming and could not be calmed down. He wanted to see with his own eyes what had happened to his body”.

Since 1967, over 650,000 Palestinians have been detained in Israeli jails, which makes up approximately 20% of the total population of the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt). Women are subject to especially harsh condition in Israeli jails, even when ill or pregnant. A study conducted by Addameer in 2008 demonstrates that approximately 38% of female Palestinian prisoner suffer from diseases that go untreated.

video portraying Sireen with her students has been posted on You Tube, and a petition to the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights to demand Sireen’s release is currently being subscribed from all over the world.

(Source / 30.06.2013)

The water is running out in Gaza: Humanitarian catastrophe looms as territory’s only aquifer fails

The Gaza Strip, a tiny wedge of land jammed between Israel, Egypt and the Mediterranean sea, is heading inexorably into a water crisis that the United Nations says could make the Palestinian enclave uninhabitable in just a few years.

With 90 to 95 per cent of the territory’s only aquifer contaminated by sewage, chemicals and seawater, neighbourhood desalination facilities and their public taps are a lifesaver for some of Gaza’s 1.6 million residents. But these small-scale projects provide water for only about 20 per cent of the population, forcing many more residents in the impoverished territory to buy bottled water at a premium. The UN estimates that more than 80 per cent of Gazans buy their drinking water. “Families are paying as much as a third of their household income for water,” said June Kunugi, a special representative of the UN children’s fund Unicef.

The Gaza Strip, governed by the Islamist group Hamas and in a permanent state of tension with Israel, is not the only place in the Middle East facing water woes. A Nasa study of satellite data released this year showed that between 2003 and 2009 the region lost 144 cubic kilometres of stored freshwater – equivalent to the amount in the Dead Sea – making a bad situation much worse.

But the situation in Gaza is particularly acute, with the UN warning that its sole aquifer might be unusable by 2016, with the damage potentially irreversible by 2020. Between 5 and 10 per cent only of the aquifer’s water is safe to drink, but even this can mix with poor-quality water during distribution, making it good only for washing.

“The tap water from the municipality is not fit to drink, and my husband is a kidney patient,” said Sahar Moussa, a mother of three, who lives in a cramped, ramshackle house in Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip, near the Egyptian border. She spends 45 shekels (£8.20) each month – a large sum for most Palestinians in the area – to buy filtered water that she stores in a 500L plastic tank.

Further complicating the issue is Israel’s blockade of the Gaza Strip, which activists say has prevented the import of materials needed for repairs on water and waste facilities. Israel says the blockade is necessary to prevent arms from reaching Hamas, which is opposed to the existence of the Jewish state.

With no streams or rivers to speak of, Gaza has historically relied almost exclusively on its coastal aquifer, which receives some 50 to 60 million cubic metres of refill each year thanks to rainfall and run-off from the Hebron hills to the east. But the needs of Gaza’s rapidly growing population, as well as those of the nearby Israeli farmers, means an estimated 160 million cubic metres of water is drawn from the compromised aquifer each year. As the levels sink, seawater seeps in from the nearby Mediterranean. This saline pollution is made worse by untreated waste, with 90,000 cubic metres of raw sewage allowed to flow into the shallow sea waters each day from Gaza, according to UN data.

Even with the aquifer, regular running tap water is a luxury unknown to many Gazans. People living across the territory say that during the summer months water might spurt out of their taps every other day, and the pressure is often so low that those living on upper floors might see just a trickle.

Many families have opted to drill private wells drawing from water deep underground. Authorisation is required but rigid restrictions mean that most households dig their wells in secret. Hired labourers erect large plastic sheets to try to hide their work from prying neighbours. “As you can see, this is like a crime scene,” said a 45-year-old father of six, who gave his name as Abu Mohammed. A clothes merchant from Gaza city, he paid his clandestine, seven-strong crew £2,300 to drill a well and came across water at a depth of 48 metres. “We begin the work after sunset and… cover the sound of digging with music,” he said. A senior Israeli security official estimates that as many as 6,000 wells have been sunk in Gaza, many without authorisation.

While Israel shares the polluted aquifer, which stretches all the way to Caesarea, about 37 miles north of Tel Aviv, the problem is less acute than in Gaza which is downstream. In addition, Israel can access water from the Sea of Galilee and the mountain aquifer that also spans the West Bank.

As Gaza borders the sea, the obvious answer is desalination. Gaza already hosts 18 small plants, one treating seawater, the others water from brackish wells – most of them supplied by Unicef and Oxfam.

The Palestinian Water Authority has started work on two new seawater desalination plants and is planning a third, larger facility, which is designed to produce 55 million cubic metres of water a year. But with funding for the $450m (£295m) project still uncertain, construction is not due to start until 2017. By that time, cash-strapped Gaza may not have enough electricity available to power the energy-intensive plants. The UN estimates that Gaza needs an additional 100 megawatts of production capacity even before the big water facility is built.

Israel is trying to drum up aid for Gaza, the senior security official said, alarmed at the prospect of a looming water catastrophe and possible humanitarian crisis on its doorstep. “We have talked to everyone we know in the international community because 1.4 million people will be without water in a few years,” he said, asking not to be named because of the issue’s sensitivity. He said Israel, a leader in the desalination industry, was helping to train a few Gazans in the latest water technology, which the Palestinian Water Authority (PWA) confirmed.

Rebhi El Sheikh, deputy chairman of the PWA, has called on international donors to help fund energy, water and sewage projects, warning of disaster if nothing happens. “A small investment is needed to avoid a bigger one, and it is a humanitarian issue that has nothing to do with politics or security,” he said.

Water wars

Water scarcity has become a growing problem in the Middle East, East Africa and the US.

Although the Middle East has experienced water scarcity for quite some time, Jay Famiglietti, principal investigator of a recently published Nasa study, has said that there was an “alarming rate of decrease in total water storage in the Tigris and Euphrates river basins, which currently has the second fastest rate of groundwater storage loss on Earth, after India”. With tensions already high in this region, water scarcity could become another cause of conflict.

Sub-Saharan Africa is one of the driest regions in the world. East Africa, in particular the Nile River basin, has seen conflict rise over who controls fresh water supplies. Due to limited resources, the Sudanese civil war between 1983 and 2005 became a struggle over territory which in turn led to conflicts over water supplies. The impact on the population and irrigation of the country would be substantial. After 22 years of fighting, 400,000 people were killed and 2.5 million were displaced from their homes.

Water cleanliness is an issue that is having considerable impact on sub-Saharan Africa. According to the charity WaterAid, 16.4 million people in Kenya and 43.4 million people in Ethiopia don’t have access to safe water.

The US is also facing significant strain on fresh-water supplies. According to WaterSense, a partnership program of the US Environmental Protection Agency: “Nearly every region of the country has experienced water shortages. At least 36 states are anticipating local, regional, or state-wide water shortages” this year, “even under non-drought conditions”.

Water scarcity was recently addressed by UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, who warned that by 2030 nearly half the world’s population could be facing a scarcity of water, with demand outstripping supply by 40 per cent.

(Source / 30.06.2013)

Saudi Arabia court jails seven Facebook cyber activists

Facebook logoThe Saudi authorities are particularly sensitive about political criticism expressed online

A court in Saudi Arabia has sentenced seven cyber activists to between five to 10 years in prison for inciting protests, mainly by using Facebook.

The men were arrested in September last year, according to Human Rights Watch (HRW), and their trial began in April.

They were charged with posting online messages to encourage protests, although they were not accused of directly taking part in demonstrations.

It is seen as the country’s latest move against online political dissent.

Popular revolt

The New York-based rights group HRW said the case was heard in an anti-terrorism court.

The longest sentence of 10 years was reportedly given to an activist who set up two Facebook groups allegedly explaining the best protest techniques.

“Sending people off to years in prison for peaceful Facebook posts sends a strong message that there’s no safe way to speak out in Saudi Arabia”

Joe StorkHuman Rights Watch

The rights group said the men had all admitted contributing to Facebook pages supporting the leading Shia cleric Tawfiq al-Amer, who was held in February 2011 after calling for a constitutional monarchy.

His arrest provoked anti-government rallies inspired by a wave of popular revolt in the country’s Eastern Region, where much of its crude oil is sourced.

The seven men were sentenced on 24 June for “allegedly inciting protests and harming public order, largely by using Facebook”, HRW said.

The court also barred them from travelling for additional periods.

Several of the defendants said they had been tortured into signing confessions, according to HRW.

The case contained two elements that the Saudi authorities are particularly sensitive about, the BBC World Service’s Middle East editor Sebastian Usher reports – political criticism expressed online and protests staged by the Shia minority in the east of the country.

Several Saudi human rights campaigners have recently been imprisoned. Two women were jailed earlier in June for allegedly inciting a woman against her husband, after they tried to help a Canadian who had complained of abuse by her Saudi husband.

HRW urged European Union officials to condemn the latest convictions ahead of a meeting with Gulf leaders on Sunday.

“Sending people off to years in prison for peaceful Facebook posts sends a strong message that there’s no safe way to speak out in Saudi Arabia, even on online social networks,” Joe Stork, HRW’s deputy Middle East director, said.

(Source / 30.06.2013)

17 gunmen arrested before reaching pro-Morsi protest in Egypt

The Egyptian police arrested on Sunday 17 gunmen on their way to the protest held by Islamists in Cairo in support of embattled President Mohamed Morsi, official news agency MENA reported.

The men were coming in a microbus from the northern coastal city of Alexandria when the security forces stopped them, searched their car and found a modified cartouche rifle, five guns, armors and bullets.

Investigations revealed that the men were heading to Rabia al- Adawiya Square in Nasr City of Cairo, where thousands of Islamist, mostly members of the Muslim Brotherhood, from which the president hails, held their sit-in for the third consecutive day to defend the legitimacy of Morsi.

Meanwhile, Morsi’s opponents held on Sunday mass rallies across the country, calling for the ouster of him, while it is the day to mark the first anniversary of the rule of the fledgling president.

Opponents and proponents have prepared for their respective Sunday rallies, raising fears of clashes between the two camps. The first spark of confrontation erupted on Sunday in Mahalla, the largest city of Gharbiya governorate, but no injuries have been reported yet.

Over the past week, clashes across the country have killed at least eight people and injured some 600 nationwide.

(Source / 30.06.2013)

Muslims trapped in ghetto after clashes in Myanmar

In this May 18, 2013 photo, women gather outside a house in Aung Mingalar in Sittwe, northwestern Rakhine state, Myanmar.

From inside the neighborhood that has become their prison, they can look over the walls and fences and into a living city.

Stores are open out there. Sidewalk restaurants are serving bottles of Mandalay beer. There are no barbed-wire roadblocks marking neighborhood boundaries, no armed policemen guarding checkpoints. In the rest of Sittwe, this city of 200,000 people along Myanmar’s coast, no one pays a bribe to take a sick baby to the doctor.

But here it’s different.

Aung Mingalar is just a few square blocks. You can walk it in 10 minutes, stopping only when you come to the end of the road – 7/8 any road – and a policeman with an assault rifle waves you back inside, back into a maze of shuttered storefronts, unemployment and boredom.

In the evenings, when bats fly through the twilight, the men gather for prayers at Aung Mingalar’s main mosque, the one that wasn’t destroyed in last year’s violence.

Zahad Tuson is among them. He had spent his life pedaling fares around this state capital, a fraying town, built by British colonials, full of bureaucrats and monsoon-battered concrete buildings. Now his bicycle rickshaw sits at home unused. He hasn’t left Aung Mingalar in nearly a year.

“We could go out whenever we wanted!” he says. His voice is a mixture of anger and wonder.

What has caused this place to become a ghetto that no one can leave and few can enter? A basic fact: Aung Mingalar is a Muslim neighborhood.

A year after sectarian violence tore through Myanmar, the fury of religious pogroms has hardened into an officially sanctioned sectarian divide, a foray into apartheid-style policies that has turned Aung Mingalar into a prison for Sittwe’s Muslims and that threatens this country’s fragile transition to democracy.

Muslims, Tuson says, are not welcome in today’s Myanmar.

It’s simple, he says: “They want us gone.”

For generations, Aung Mingalar existed as just another tangle of streets and alleys in the heart of Sittwe. It was a Muslim quarter; everybody knew that. But the distinction seldom meant much.

Until suddenly it meant everything.

Last year, violence twice erupted between two ethnic groups in this part of Myanmar: the Rakhine, who are Buddhist, and a Muslim minority known as the Rohingya. While carnage was widespread on both sides of the religious divide, it was Muslims who suffered most, and who continue to suffer badly more than a year later.

Across Rakhine state, more than 200 people were killed, 70 percent of them Muslim. In Sittwe, where Muslims were once almost half the population, five of the six Muslim neighborhoods were destroyed. Over 135,000 people remain homeless in Rakhine state, the vast majority of them Muslims forced into bamboo refugee camps that smell of dust and wood smoke and too many people living too close together.

The troubles here were, at least initially, driven by ethnicity as much as religion. To the Rakhine, who dominate this state, as well as to Myanmar’s central government, the Rohingya are here illegally, “Bengalis” whose families slipped across the nearby border from what is now Bangladesh.

Historians say Rohingya have been here for centuries, though many did come more recently. Their modern history has been a litany of oppression: the riots of 1942, the mass expulsions of 1978, the citizenship laws of 1982.

What started with the Rohingya has evolved into a broader anti-Muslim movement, helping ignite a series of attacks across Myanmar – from Meikhtila in the country’s center, where Buddhist mobs beat dozens of Muslim students to death in March, to Lashio near the Chinese border, where Buddhist men swarmed through the city burning scores of Muslim-owned stores in May.

The violence is about religion and ethnicity, but also about what happens when decades of military rule begin giving way in the nation once known as Burma, and old political equations are clouded by the complexities of democracy.

In 2010, political change finally came to Myanmar, a profoundly isolated nation long ruled by a series of mysterious generals. Opposition leader and Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi was freed from house imprisonment. National elections were held. Former political prisoners became politicians.

Amid the tumult – and with the military still wielding immense power behind the scenes – old animosities and new politicians flourished. Ethnic groups formed powerful regional parties. Buddhist nationalists, with a deep-seated suspicion of Muslims, moved from the fringes into the mainstream.

Political frustration fed on economic frustration, with millions of poor rural residents flocking to Myanmar’s cities only to find continued poverty in ever-growing slums. In a country that is about 90 percent Buddhist, Myanmar’s Muslims, who number as little as 4 percent of the population, became political bogeymen.

U Shwe Maung, a top official with the Rakhine Nationalities Development Party, the state’s most powerful party, will tell you about the problems with the Rohingya: They have too many children, they are angling for political clout, they claim to be citizens.

“We are not willing to live with them,” the onetime high-school English teacher says in his quiet voice. He’s an avuncular man, friendly and unfailingly polite. “They want to Muslimize this land. They want power.”

Anti-Muslim sentiment has been magnified by an increasingly virulent strain of Buddhist nationalism, as a once-obscure group of monks nurtures populist fears of a growing Muslim threat. Muslims are criminals, they say, a “poison” driving up land prices and pushing aside the Buddhist working class. Crowds pack monasteries and prayer halls to hear the monks’ speeches. Recordings are sold in sidewalk stalls along Myanmar’s streets.

“They will destroy our country, our religion, our people. They will destroy the next-generation Buddhist women, since their aim is to mix their blood with ours,” a popular monk, Ashin Tayzaw Thar Ra, said in a speech earlier this year. “Soon, Buddhists will have to worship in silence and fear.”

In Aung Mingalar, they know all about fear.

The neighborhood is where Maung Than Win once served hundreds of meals a day at the little restaurant his father had opened, and where residents gathered at the Chat Cafe to gossip in the cool of twilight. It is where dozens of boys showed up every day for classes at Hafeez Skee’s Islamic school, but most children attended secular schools.

It was widely seen as the wealthiest of Sittwe’s Muslim neighborhoods, but it was hardly an island of economic isolation. It was a place where day laborers built thatch huts for themselves, and rich businessmen, their fortunes often made on small fleets of wooden fishing boats that troll the Bay of Bengal, built sprawling houses covered in shiny green tiles. A few families farmed gardens of watercress in a swampy area between some of the alleys. The main streets, once brick or cobblestone, had turned to dirt over the years.

“My grandfather was from Aung Mingalar. My father was from Aung Mingalar. I’m from Aung Mingalar,” says Win, his teeth stained red from years of chewing betel nuts. At 32 he has spent nearly his entire life working at his restaurant, the Love Tea Shop. It filled with people every day, particularly after prayers at the mosque. “I just want to stay as long as I can.”

Not that everything was perfect. Buddhist and Muslim residents of Sittwe agree at least on that.

There were fights, though they tended to be just one person against another. In the last sectarian violence, in 2001, only one person died in Sittwe. The last widespread bloodshed was during World War II, when the Rohingya backed the British colonial forces and the Rakhine supported the Japanese. Hundreds of people were killed.

“I had heard about the troubles then,” says Ferus Ahmad, a pharmacist. “We thought something like this could never happen again.”

But it did. It began last year on May 28, with the rape and murder of a Buddhist woman by a group of Rohingya men in a village a few hours from here. Days later, a bus carrying Muslim travelers was surrounded by a Buddhist mob and ten Muslims were killed. Five days after that, Rohingya mobs attacked Rakhine near the Bangladesh border. It’s unclear how many people died.

With fear spiraling on both sides, trouble came to Sittwe. Over five days, Rakhine and Rohingya mobs battled one another. By the end, hundreds of Rakhine homes had been destroyed, as had nearly every Rohingya neighborhood. Today, other than Aung Mingalar, Muslim Sittwe is little more than destroyed mosques and once-crowded communities grown over with grass and weeds, completely empty of residents.

During the street battles, the women and children of Aung Mingalar were put into a mosque for safety, while the men protected the neighborhood’s edges. Then something unusual happened: The security forces arrived to help.

Across Myanmar, the army and the police have done little to protect Muslims through a year of violence, and rights groups say they have often joined in the attacks. It’s still unclear why it was different in Aung Mingalar.

But while they arrived as protectors, those soldiers soon became jailers. Today, the security forces enforce the official ghetto. And the dominant story line remains: Not only did Muslims never need protection from Buddhists, but they destroyed their own neighborhoods.

“The Bengalis lit their own houses on fire, because they knew they would get another house” in the refugee camps, says U Win Myaing, the Rakhine state assistant director for communications. “Plus, they thought the fires would spread to Rakhine areas and burn those houses down.”

Increasingly, such stories about Muslims are believed across Myanmar.

(Source / 30.06.2013)

Niet Morsen

By Marianna Laarif

Een Jongeman kwam bij een Sheikh en zei, `Ik ben een jongeman met sterke gevoelens en mijn vader werkt op de markt en wanneer ik spullen breng kan ik me ogen niet neerslaan en kijk dan naar de vrouwen die ik tegen kom, wat kan ik het beste doen? De sheikh haalde een glas melk die helemaal tot de rand van het glas gevuld was en zei tegen deze jongeman, “pak dit glas aan en de eerste keer dat je spullen naar je vader brengt neem je dit glas mee, één van mijn leerlingen gaat mee en geeft je een klap als je wat morst.

De Jongeman bracht de spullen naar zijn vader samen met het glas melk en er werd niets gemorst. De jongeman bracht dit goede nieuws naar de sheikh. De sheikh vroeg, “vertel me, Wat heb je allemaal gezien op de markt?” De Jongeman antwoordde, “Ik heb niets gezien en weet niet eens dat ik op de markt ben geweest, ik was alleen bang dat ik wat melk zou morsen en dat ik dan een klap zou krijgen van je leerling en dan zou ik voor schut staan voor alle mensen op de markt.”
De Sheikh glimlachte en zei, “Dat is hetzelfde met een Gelovige. De Gelovige is bang dat Allah hem straft op de dag des oordeels waar de gehele mensheid aanwezig is wanneer hij heeft gemorst over zijn hart.” Zulke mensen redden zichzelf van het plegen van zonden omdat ze constant gefocust zijn op de Dag Des Oordeels.

Israel’s terrorism on Human Rights: Female captives held under catastrophic conditions



AL-KHALIL, (PIC)– A human rights organization warned of the “catastrophic and unbearable” situation of Palestinian female prisoners in the Israeli Hasharon detention center.

The Prisoners’ Center for Studies said in a statement on Saturday that the Israeli prison administration has been abusing the Palestinian female captives held in Hasharon.

The 16 Palestinian prisoners are exposed to surprise raids and night searches. They are subjected to harsh forms of punishment; including the payment of fines, the solitary confinement and the deprivation of visits, in addition to the brutal interrogation circumstances, the center added.

It also pointed to the deliberate policy of medical neglect in Hasharon jail, and said some patient captives need urgent surgeries but the Israeli authorities have been postponing them.

The center appealed to the international institutions, especially the Red Cross and the United Nations to exert pressure on the occupation authorities to stop the ongoing violations against the female detainees.

(Source / 30.06.2013)

Zionist occupation starts building the largest synagogue in the West Bank



BETHLEHEM, (PIC)– Palestinian sources said the Israeli authorities began to build the largest synagogue in the West Bank on the foot of Daniel settlement built on Palestinian lands in Bethlehem in an area close to the south of occupied Jerusalem.

Sohail Khalilia, director of settlement’s control unit at the Institute of Applied Research ARIJ in Bethlehem, reported that the settlers have begun to build a synagogue in an outpost, that will be transformed into a settlement to be added to Gush Etzion settlement complex

Khalilia said in a press statement on Thursday: “The Palestinians have become trapped from all sides, in light of this settlement expansion and the implementation of the settlement schemes.”

He pointed out that the Jewish rabbis have called for the construction of the synagogues in the occupied West Bank in an attempt to impose a fait accompli on the ground and reinforce the Jewish presence in the region.

(Source / 30.06.2013)

New Israeli plan to annex Palestinian land for electricity project in Rouha



UMM AL-FAHM, (PIC)– The popular committee for land defense in Umm Al-Fahm city said that the Israeli authority intends to establish a high-pressure power grid in Rouha territory.

According to this Israeli plan, the committee stated, hundreds of dunums of Palestinian land will be seized to install this network and thousands of other dunums will be exposed to environmental damage by this project.

This project will also prevent the urban development of the nearby Arab towns and their natural territorial expansion into Rouha area.

The popular committee for land defense held a meeting at the municipal council of Umm Al-Fahm to discuss the steps to be taken to stop this Israeli plan.

The committee believes that this plan is aimed at stealing the land from its Arab owners after a previous attempt in 1998 had failed to turn the land of Rouha into a closed military zone as a result of the Palestinian massive protests that prompted the Israeli government then to backtrack on its annexation decision.

(Source / 30.06.2016)