De doofstomme, blinde bruid.

Vanuit het Arabische originele stuk door Adel bin Muhammad al-Abdul ‘Aalee.
Vertaald door Abu Dujanah naar het Engels.
Vertaald door Abdul-‘Aziz Ezhar naar het NL.

Eén van de salaf (vrome voorganger),Thaabit bin Nu’maan, ging een tuingebied binnen, hij was hongerig en moe, dus wilde hij wat eten, zijn buik was aan het rommelen. Thaabit zag een appelboom, en plukte de appel om het op te eten. hij at de helft van de appel, toen dronk hij wat water uit het riviertje naast de tuin. Daarna begon Thaabit te realiseren dat hij een zonde heeft begaan door zijn honger, en dacht erover na: “Dit is echt een schande, hoe kan ik iemand anders zijn voorziening opeten zonder zijn toestemming.” In zijn berouw zei hij tegen zichzelf: “Ik verlaat deze plek niet totdat ik de eigenaar van deze tuin vind, en dan beken ik dat ik van zijn voorziening heb gegeten zonder zijn toestemming.” De vrome voorganger Thaabit keek om zich heen en zag een huis en liep er naar toe en klopte op de deur. De eigenaar deed open en vroeg wat hij wilde. Thaabit zei, “Ik had honger en ging je tuin binnen en heb een appel van jouw boom geplukt en heb de helft ervan gegeten, en toen kwam ik erachter dat deze appel niet van mij was, dus ik kom hier om vergiffenis vragen en hopelijk vergeef je me.” De man antwoordde, “Ik vergeef jou niet behalve op één voorwaarde?” Thaabit zei: “Wat is je voorwaarde?”

De eigenaar van de tuin zei: “Ik wil dat je met mijn dochter trouwt.” Thaabit zei heel blij zonder aarzeling, “Ja, ik zal met haar trouwen.” De eigenaar van de tuin zei toen: “Ik wil dat je weet dat mijn dochter blind is en niet kan zien, ze is stom en kan niet praten, en ze is doof ze kan niet horen.” Thaabit bin Nu’maan schrok en dacht erover na: wat een ramp, wat moet ik doen? Toen herinnerde hij de tegenslagen en moeilijkheden die hij zal krijgen bij het accepteren van deze vrouw als zijn echtgenote, en het zorgen voor haar is beter dan het eten van voedsel (sadeed) uit het hellevuur door het feit dat hij de appel had gegeten zonder toestemming. Hij realiseerde zich ook dat als hij niet verandert, zullen zijn dagen in dunya geteld zijn. Dus hij beloofde om met zijn dochter te trouwen, en hij ging bidden om vergiffenis en beloning van Allah, de Heer van de werelden.

De dag van het huwelijk kwam, en Thaabit was nerveus en erg bezorgd: “Wat moet ik doen als ik haar zie, hoe gaat alles in zijn werk in een huwelijk met iemand die niet spreekt, ziet en hoort?!” Wat een dilemma, Thaabit zat weer te twijfelen onderweg naar de huwelijksceremonie, maar hij herinnerde Allah (Subhana wa Ta’ala) en Thaabit zei, “Laa hawla wa laa quwata illa billah, wa inna lilah wa inna ilayhi raji’oon.” Hij ging naar het huis en kwam daar aan en zijn toekomstige bruid stond op en zei, “Assalamoe ‘alaykoem wa rahmatoellahi wa barakatoehoe.” Toen hij haar zag kon hij bijna geen adem meer halen, zo een schoonheid heeft hij nog nooit gezien. Hij kwam weer bij adem en zei, “Wat is dit, je kan praten zien en horen!!” Thaabit bin Nu’maan vertelde aan zijn bruid wat haar vader had verteld. Ze gaf toen een ongelofelijke mooie glimlach en zei: “Mijn vader vertelde de waarheid en heeft niet gelogen.” Thaabit zei, “Maar waarom vertelde je vader dan dingen over jou die onwaar zijn?” Ze antwoordde, “Mijn vader zegt dat ik niet kan praten, omdat ik nog nooit gesproken heb met een niet mahram man, mijn vader zegt dat ik doof ben, omdat ik nooit ga zitten op plekken waar men roddelt en ik luister nooit naar onzin gesprekken, mijn vader zegt dat ik blind ben, omdat ik nooit kijk naar hetgeen wat Allah heeft verboden om naar te kijken.”

(Marianna Laarif / 12.03.2013)

Israel interrogates, expels well-known South African academic Salim Vally, invited to lecture in Palestine

Dr. Salim Vally speaks about education rights for marginalized and vulnerable groups at the University of Virginia Law School in 2012

In the latest example of its repression of academic freedom in the occupied Palestinian territories, Israel today denied entry to Dr. Salim Vally, director of the Centre for Education Rights and Transformation at the University of Johannesburg.

Vally, renowned in South Africa as an academic, educator and human rights activist, and member of the Palestine Solidarity Committee (PSC), had been invited to give several lectures in the occupied West Bank by German foundation Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, according to a PSC release.

Vally who was turned back at the Allenby Bridge crossing between Jordan and the occupied West Bank after being detained and interrogated for five hours, humiliated and body-searched by Israeli forces will now give his lectures via video link from Amman.

“The most painful thing about the whole episode,” Vally said, “was to witness the manner in which Palestinians returning to their homes – many older than my parents – were mistreated, harassed and humiliated by teenagers young enough to be their grandchildren.”

“Even if I had wanted to, I could not prevent memories of the apartheid days overwhelming me with a vengeance,” Vally added.

Vally’s exclusion may have been in retaliation for his outspoken advocacy of Palestinian human rights.

Other academics denied entry

Vally is not the first South African academic to be denied entry to Palestine by Israeli occupiers. In May 2011, Israel denied entry to Na’eem Jeenah, director of the Afro Middle East Centre (AMEC) in Johannesburg.

While Israel routinely denies entry to Palestinians and others such as Palestinian-American teacher Nour Joudah who was barred from returning after a 10-day visit to Jordan, these practices rarely attract international attention, except when someone of international note is caught up.

In 2010, Israel was deeply embarrassed by global condemnation at its denial of entry to professor Noam Chomsky.

But that scrutiny has not changed the basic fact that Israel continues to severely restrict academic and other contacts between Palestinians and the outside world while complaining that it is being unjustly targeted by academic and cultural boycott.

In 2011, the University of Johannesburg’s Senate voted to end a cooperation agreement with Israel’s Ben-Gurion University in response to a campaign by supporters of the boycott.

Last year the South African government advised its citizens to avoid unnecessary travel to Israel due to its mistreatment of Palestinians.

Vally was traveling to see Palestinians rather than to visit “Israel,” however no one can visit any part of historic Palestine without passing through the occupation.

The Palestine Solidarity Committee condemned Israel’s denial of entry to Vally calling it a reminder of “how Israel continually denies Palestinians freedom of movement, the right to education, the right to dignity and the right to return to their homes.”

Palestine Solidarity Committee statement

12 March 2013

Well-known South African educationist and human rights activist, Dr Salim Vally, was today detained, interrogated and denied entry into Palestine by Israeli security forces when he attempted to enter the country from Jordan.

Dr Vally, director of the Centre for Education Rights and Transformation at the University of Johannesburg, was invited by the German foundation, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung (FES), to deliver a series of lectures in the West Bank focusing on the right to education and curriculum development.

He left Amman, Jordan, this morning on his way to Palestine but was stopped at the border and detained for five hours by Israeli border security. During this period he was interrogated, body-searched and humiliated before being ejected back to Jordan.

“The most painful thing about the whole episode,” said Vally, “was to witness the manner in which Palestinians returning to their homes – many older than my parents – were mistreated, harassed and humiliated by teenagers young enough to be their grandchildren. Even if I had wanted to, I could not prevent memories of the apartheid days overwhelming me with a vengeance.”

Salim said arrangements were being for him to deliver his lectures via video-conferencing from Amman over the next few days. ‘The Israelis do not realise that the spirit of Palestinian solidarity cannot be broken, just as the spirit of Palestinian resistance cannot be broken. Whether they deport us or imprison us, we will persevere. Palestinians call it sumud or steadfastness. It has sustained Palestinian resistance for six decades and it will see Palestinians being liberated from occupation, colonialism, apartheid and Zionist racist brutality. As we in South Africa know very well, no matter what obstacles the oppressors place in the way of the oppressed, they will make us more resolute and strengthen our commitment to make Israel a pariah state like apartheid South Africa was, through a campaign of boycotts, divestment and sanctions (BDS).’ Instead of demoralising him, Salim said, the experience only reminded him of infinitely worse plight that many Palestinians have to endure on a daily basis.

Salim is due to remain in Jordan for the period of his lecture tour, addressing Palestinian audiences from his Jordanian hotel room, and will return home to South Africa next week.

The Palestine Solidarity Campaign condemns the deportation of Salim Vally but recognises that this simply reminds us of how Israel continually denies Palestinians freedom of movement, the right to education, the right to dignity and the right to return to their homes.

(Source / 12.03.2013)

Nablus was “the center of everything”: interview with architect Naseer Arafat

Nablus was once a center for commerce and science.

Palestinian architect Naseer Arafat has dedicated much of his life and work to the restoration and preservation of buildings in the occupied West Bank city of Nablus. Last year, his extensive research and work came to fruition as Nablus, City of Civilizations, an impressive and extensive architectural and historical survey of the ancient city.

Through twelve detailed units, the book describes Nablus’ long history, from the Canaanite era to the second intifada, when many of its historical buildings were demolished or damaged during the Israeli invasion. Historical photographs, maps and building plans describe the many architectural treasures of the city. Beyond this, through oral stories, Arafat includes a social history that breathes life into the city as it exists today.

Published in Nablus by the Cultural Heritage Enrichment Center, the book is available in Arabic and English. Arafat recently spoke to The Electronic Intifada contributor Daryl Meador.

Daryl Meador: Can you speak a little bit about your history and relationship with Nablus and architecture?

Naseer Arafat: It’s the city where I live; I was born here. The relationship with architecture was built by the stories I got from my parents. They lived in a big house, 675 square meters, three floors; it was demolished by the British in 1938. So not only my parents, but my aunts and uncles from both sides were all living together in that house. My aunt, whenever the house was mentioned, she would sadly remember the moment when, with her hair wet, she was tossed out of the house into the street, and the British blew it up.

Also, my father’s uncle all the time spoke about the visitors who would come to the house because he was selling costumes and clothes out of it. Visitors would stay in the guest part of the house for three days, fed and hosted.

So that memory of the place, of the building, made me always imagine the size of the house and the situation of my family in it. I sadly connected this with loss, especially because where I live now is in a house that is in the garden of the old house. The old house is partially now a garden and partially a street where I used to walk every day. I would imagine which part of the house I was walking on. So that was the passion towards an ancient house and what it meant to my family.

I studied architecture at Birzeit, and volunteered to bring visitors to the university on tours in Nablus. After that I worked as an architect responsible for the national register of historical buildings in Palestine. This enabled me to discover Nablus as a treasured place with an urban fabric, with monuments. This was not known to me before. The more I worked in the city, walked through the alleys and streets, I discovered the richness of it.

Then as I worked, I decided I would write something about the city. I started collecting data and photographs, maps — whatever I could collect on the city.

DM: What kind of resources did you use?

NA: At that time I went to the Rockefeller museum in Jerusalem and saw documents and old photos of Nablus. Later I went to study restoration at York University and I visited what is called the Palestine Exploration Fund, which is a small association off Oxford Street inLondon. There I found huge old photographs of Nablus printed on glass.

I managed to collect unique photographs from the Ecole Biblique in Jerusalem, which is the French antiquities school. I managed to collect photos from Istanbul, the archive of the Sultan Abd al-Hamid II, from Berlin, the antiquities department and the Mandate Museum in London. At all these places I could find old photos of Nablus and use some for the book.

I also collected family photos. From some families you have photos of their houses and there was an Austrian researcher who came to Nablus in ‘96, and took photos of all of the houses in Nablus. So I managed to find some photos of houses destroyed by the Israelis in 2002. This was very emotional for the people whose houses were lost.

Two soap factories which were demolished, I managed to find photos of these as well. And by chance I was able to survey one factory before it was demolished, so its plan and façade are in the book.

DM: Does the book discuss the Israeli invasion and destruction?

NA: Yes it does. What the Israelis are doing to Nablus and the old city has been continuous since the occupation started. So the book is not just architectural; it starts with an architectural description, but also has social, political, economical, cultural interpretations of the buildings described. This is, I think, what makes the book special. I am an architect, so the starting point of my research and writing was architecture. But architecture is just a building, and it is a rigid description to just talk about the look and materials of a building. I felt that the richness of the building is the social life of the building, maybe the economical life of the market, also the cultural livelihood of the fabric.

So whenever there was a linked story to a building, I never hesitated to write it.

DM: And how did you find the stories?

NA: From people. Especially elderly people, I interviewed many of them. And they told me real stories.

DM: What are some examples of the personal stories linked to buildings?

NA: There are so many — one of them is about a mufti, he had the highest seat in Islam, who was from Nablus, appointed by the Ottomans. The British commander in Nablus wanted to meet the community leaders in Nablus. This man made an appointment to meet the sheikh. The reception is always downstairs and the house is above, all the time. So he gathered community leaders of Nablus to meet the guy, and when they were waiting, themufti was nervously walking and not relaxed. People were asking what was wrong with him. All of the sudden, he went upstairs to his house.

The people were surprised because this is not the way you receive your guests, but they couldn’t have a word with him; he was upstairs in his house. The British commander came, they called upon the mufti and he came down and had a chat and the people left.

But the Nabulsis still didn’t understand, and they asked the mufti why he did that. He said, “Guys, if I was sitting and waiting for the guest, when he came I would have to stand up to respect and welcome him. But I went up, and when he came I came down to him, and he stood up for me. That’s how we should receive the occupier.”

Another story that is very nice is related to what we call in modern times, gender-sensitive issues. In one of the Turkish baths, if you look at the sides of the main hall there is a higher stage where people sit. When I surveyed this in 1992 — I was a student then — there used to be couches, fancy and relaxing seats, not like the stones on the other side. It indicated that this was a special place for people to sit.

The wife of the judge in Nablus, which was the highest position in town, she wanted to have a bath here. The lady who looks after the guests told her “Madam, you can’t sit there, this is only for VIPs, you are not allowed to sit there.” The wife of the judge left angry and didn’t have a bath.

She told her husband, and as the story goes he slapped the table, and he said “I will show them.” What can we expect from the most powerful person in town? He built a special bath for his wife. And he built a tunnel in between his house and the bath so that the bath is only reserved for her, and so that no one can see her when she leaves.

DM: Does the bath still exist?

NA: Yes, and it’s called al-Qadi; it means “the Judge” bath. It is used as a sweets factory now, not as a bath.

An inscription on the Ottoman clock tower in Nablus’ old city.

DM: The book features poems that are inscribed on buildings in Nablus. Are those common on all historical buildings?

NA: Every monument in Nablus, and some of the houses, have a written inscription which most of the time is a poem. This poem is the most honest documentation of the building date. So I managed to read some, [and] copy what others have read from what were lost.

From the poems I could calculate when the building was built. In Arabic, every letter has a corresponding number — alif is one, ba is two, etc. So if you take the letters of the last phrase of the poem, and you find the equivalent number of each letter and sum them up, you get the year that each building was built. It is a brilliant way of writing a poem.

DM: And they are included in the book?

NA: All of the poems are included with a photo and a copy of the text of the poem.

DM: Can you say one final thing about why Nablus is unique, historically and architecturally?

NA: There is a lot to say about Nablus. I would say that Nablus, at the time that it was built as an Islamic city, during the Mamluk Ottoman period, it was the center of everything. It was the capital of trade. The city was well known for its powerful economy that attracted not only the plans for making the olive oil soap from Jordan, but also the costumes that were exported to Europe and exhibited during the Ottoman period.

The fields of Nablus were where olive trees and cotton plants were planted, because we have four water springs and cotton needs a lot of water.

Also, it was the center of science. Students from Azhar [University] in Egypt would come study in Nablus. There were four schools in the old city of Nablus.

In modern history, before Israeli occupation, there were four buses leaving Nablus every morning — one to Beirut, one to Damascus, one to Jerusalem, and one to Amman. Every morning. My father used to say he would arrive in Damascus before shops opened. The Hijaz train, which took pilgrims from Palestine, Jordan and Syria to Saudi Arabia, started from Nablus. So I could say simply, Nablus was the center of everything for the neighboring countries. You could say it is a unique city.

(Source / 12.03.2013)

Timmermans: ‘Het is doodsimpel: nederzettingen liggen niet in Israël’

Minister Timmermans in de Tweede Kamer

Op producten uit nederzettingen in de bezette Palestijnse gebieden mag geen etiket staan met de tekst ‘Uit Israël’. Dat is het voornemen van minister Timmermans van Buitenlandse Zaken. Oppositiepartijen SGP, PVV en ChristenUnie verzetten zich fel tegen het plan. De minister zegt echter de Europese richtlijnen te volgen en daarvoor in het verleden al steun van de Kamer te hebben gekregen. ‘Het is doodsimpel: de nederzettingen liggen niet in Israël. Dus mag er op de producten die komen uit de nederzettingen niet staan ‘uit Israël’.’

Israël woedend over Nederlandse labels Terecht! Krijgen we nu ook labels op prod. uit Gaza v terr. org. Hamas?http://www.nu.nl/algemeen/3363343/israel-woedend-nederlandse-labels.html …

politiek correct kistje sinaasappelen pic.twitter.com/J7v4Z0dhIp

Afbeelding weergeven op Twitter

Een Europese richtlijn uit 2000 schrijft voor dat consumenten niet valselijk mogen worden voorgelicht over de herkomst van producten. Minister Timmermans zei vandaag in de Kamer EU-afspraken na te leven die de lidstaten verplichten tot het strakker toepassen van die richtlijn. ‘De Britten en Denen gingen ons al voor. Nederland wil voorkomen dat ten onrechte ‘uit Israël’ staat op producten die niet uit Israël komen.’
Het Nederlandse voornemen haalde de Israëlische kranten, wat weer leidde tot vragen van oppositiepartijen in de Tweede Kamer. De kleine christelijke partijen en de PVV spreken van ‘verraad aan vriend Israël’. SGP-leider Van der Staaij tegen Timmermans: ‘Waarom laat de minister zich voor het karretje spannen van anti-Israël-activisten?’ PVV’er De Roon: ‘Dit is een dolkstoot in de rug van Israël.’ ChristenUnie-Kamerlid Voordewind: ‘Een klap in het gezicht, de minister doet aan Israëlbashen.’

‘Geen Israël’
Timmermans is niet van zijn stuk gebracht. Keer op keer herhaalt hij: ‘De Nederzettingen liggen niet in Israël.’ Het steigerende protest van de oppositie is aan dovemansoren gericht. Wel wijst de minister erop dat hij slechts voortbouwt op het ingezette beleid van zijn voorgangers Rosenthal (VVD) en Verhagen (CDA) en dat er eerder geen protest kwam uit de Kamer. ‘Ik hoor nu hele grote woorden van de heer Voordewind, maar hij was vorig jaar muisstil.’

Ook Ten Broeke, Kamerlid van coalitiepartij VVD, moet genoegen nemen met dat antwoord. De VVD’er wil dat de minister de kwestie van de etiketten overlaat aan de markt. De minister verwelkomt de medewerking van bedrijven, maar blijft erbij dat hij de Europese regels moet naleven.

De oppositie wijst de minister erop dat bij andere conflictgebieden soortgelijke dilemma’s spelen, zoals Taiwan, Cyprus, de Westelijke Sahara. Waarom nu de nadruk op Israël en de Palestijnse gebieden? Timmermans: ‘Op producten uit Taiwan staat ‘Made in Taiwan’. Voor Cyprus gelden heel specifieke Europese regels die streng worden nageleefd. De situatie voor Marokko en de Westelijke Sahara is niet geheel vergelijkbaar, maar inderdaad, ook hier wil ik met andere Europese lidstaten naar kijken.’

‘Geen land’
Hoe de producten uit nederzettingen in de bezette Palestijnse gebieden dan wel gelabeld moeten worden, is nog niet duidelijk. Kern van het kabinetsbeleid is dat er in elk geval geen foute herkomstinformatie op producten mag staan. Voordewind (ChristenUnie) vraagt zich af: ‘Kunnen producten een label krijgen uit een gebied dat geen land is?’ Een Palestijnse staat bestaat immers nog niet.

De minister gaat nog in overleg met consumenten en producenten over wat voor etiketten er wel op de producten kunnen komen. ‘Nederland pleit niet voor een boycot van producten uit nederzettingen, wel voor eerlijke voorlichting.’

(Source / 12.03.2013)

Breaking: #IOF wantonly kill and maim Palestinians in #AlKhalil

 

Why was he killed???????????
One Palestinian was killed and two were injured by live bullets on Tuesday evening during clashes with Israeli occupation forces at Fawwar refugee camp near Hebron.
Mahmoud Adel Titi died later in the hospital and Mahmoud Shadfan 25-year-old in was shot in the stomach and Rami al-Karanz, 25, in the foot. 
Clashes erupted when Israeli occupation forces raided the camp and fired live ammunition and tear gas towards the Palestinian civilians.

By: Younes Arar
Why was he killed???????????
One Palestinian was killed and two were injured by live bullets on Tuesday evening during clashes with Israeli occupation forces at Fawwar refugee camp near Hebron.
Mahmoud Adel Titi died later in the hospital and Mahmoud Shadfan 25-year-old in was shot in the stomach and Rami al-Karanz, 25, in the foot.
Clashes erupted when Israeli occupation forces raided the camp and fired live ammunition and tear gas towards the Palestinian civilians.

(Younes Arar / Facebook / 12.03.2013)

Assad soldier admits Hezbollah, Iran fighting: video

 

  • Al Arabiya – Iran and its Lebanese ally, Hezbollah, are fighting with forces loyal to President Bashar al-Assad in Syria, a soldier  belonging to the Syrian Republican Guard said in a video posted online Monday.

Ali Imad Takla, who – according to the amateur video – was captured by the rebel Free Syrian Army told the opposition his brigade has been fighting in Daraya under the orders of General Yousef al-Masry using missiles, planes as well as canons.

He added there are regime soldiers based at Souq al-Hadeed. However, Al Arabiya cannot independently verify the content of the video.

The FSA has accused Hezbollah members for attacking Syrian villages primarily in the region near the Lebanese border. Hezbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah has admitted some party members had fought in Syria but on their own accord and not under his orders.

(Source /12.03.2013)

Fighting for freedom: eight Palestinian prisoners on hunger strike right now

http://youtu.be/181Dr6yLcko

A Palestinian rights organization profiled Sunday eight political prisoners from the occupied West Bank currently on hunger strike.

Six of the hunger strikers are protesting Israeli administrative detention orders against them. Prisoner support group Addameer provided information about the hunger strikers in a 10 March statement.

Samer al-Barq, 38 years old, from the town of Jayyous near Qalqilia started an open hunger strike on 27 February‪ to protest the 24 February renewal of a three-month administrative detention order. This is al-Barq’s third hunger strike in the past two years. His previous 14-18 October 2012 hunger strike was also in protest of his administrative detention, which started on 11 July 2010.

Ayman Sharawna, 36 years old, from Dura, near Hebron had been released in theOctober 2011 prisoner exchange deal. Sharawna started his hunger strike on 1 July 2012 to protest being rearrested by Israel under Article 186 of Military Order 1651, which allows a special military commission to “cancel the early release.” Sharawna may be sentenced to serve the remaining 28 years of his sentence. He briefly suspended his hunger strike in December 2012 after the promise of a court hearing to resolve his case. On 17 January he resumed his hunger strike when he learned that the Israeli Prison Service had deceived him.

Samer al-Issawi, 33 years old, from Issawiya, Jerusalem was also released as part of the October 2011 prisoner exchange deal. Following his rearrest on 7 July 2012, Issawi has been on intermittent hunger strike for over 200 days to protest his arbitrary rearrest. He is suffering from severe weight loss as his health continues to deteriorate. On 21 February, the Israeli Magistrate Court sentenced Issawi to eight months from of the day of his arrest on the grounds that he violated a military order by entering the West Bank. At the same time, a Military Commission based on Article 186 of Military Order 1651 is considering if Issawi has to serve the remaining 20 years of his previous sentence.

Younis al‪-Hroub, 31 years old‪, from Hebron has been on hunger strike for 22 days‪ to protest his administrative detention. His administrative detention order was renewed for another six months, only ten days before the expiry of his first administrative detention order (7 July 2012 to 10 January 2013). Al-Hroub was previously detained from 2002 until 2008. He currently languishes in Negev Prison inside Israel.

Muhammad Ahmad an‪-Najjar from Hebron has been on hunger strike for 152 days which he announced on 26 February to protest his administrative detention.

Zakariyah al‪-Heeh, 26 years old‪, from Hebron‪ has been detained since 26 November 2012. He has been on hunger strike for 14 days. Al-Heeh announced his hunger strike on 27 February to protest his administrative detention. He is currently in Ofer Prison in the occupied West Bank.

Ibrahim Al‪-Sheikh Khalil from Jericho has been on hunger strike for 12 days since he announced his strike on 27 February 2013 to protest his administrative detention. He is currently in Ofer Prison in the occupied West Bank.

Hazem Al‪-Tawil from Al‪-Khalil was detained on 19 February 2013 and went on hunger strike the following day to protest his administrative detention. He is on hunger strike for 19 days and is held in Ofer prison in the occupied West Bank.

Administrative detention

Shawan JabarinAl-Haq director and recently appointed commissioner to the International Commission of Jurists, said in an interview with The Electronic Intifada last year that theadministrative detention policy was created by the British in the 1940s. Israel uses this policy to detain Palestinians without charge of trial:

It is a violation of the principles and standards of due process and fair trial practiced in all democracies. This is what you teach young lawyers. Israel ignores this. It brings administrative detention orders to a military court that follow military law. The evidence is secret. The court rubber-stamps the order. It is arbitrary detention.

Jabarin added that Israel completely ignores the international standards of treating prisoners in a human way. They are sending a message to people who defend rights: go to hell. But:

Everyone has to support the prisoners’ rights, to support human values. The prisoners are struggling for their cause, for peace, for values. Even if Israel calls them terrorists, Palestinians look at them as heroes, as leaders.

G4S equipped Ofer prison

British-Danish security firm G4S has installed peripheral defense systems on the walls surrounding Ofer prison and operates a central control room for the entire Ofer compound,according to Who Profits (a project of the Coalition of Women for Peace in Tel Aviv). Ofer is an Israeli prison for Palestinian political prisoners located in the West Bank. Ofer compound includes a military court which judges Palestenian detainees from the West bank on a daily basis.

Addameer calls for action

As of 1 February, 178 Palestinian prisoners were held in administrative detention in Israeli jails. Addameer is planning to launch an End Administrative Detention campaign next month, demanding “the release of all administrative detainees, and in the meantime, all administrative detainees must be granted their rights in accordance with international law.” Addameer writes in its call for support to the campaign:

Not only are these prisoners held arbitrarily, but Israel’s use of administrative detention violates several international standards, such as deporting Palestinians from the occupied territory to Israel, denying regular family visits and failing to take into account the best interests of child detainees as required under international law. Addameer calls on solidarity organizations, individuals and human rights organizations around the world to join our End Administrative Detention campaign launching on 17 April 2013.

TAKE ACTION!

You can help us pressure the Israeli government to release the prisoners by:

  • Participating in a mass day of mobilization in your city on 17 April, the annual Palestinian Prisoners Day.
  • Organizing an “End Administrative Detention” week on 17-24 April 2013 in your city or university campus using Addameer’s forthcoming campaign materials.
  • Joining a local G4S BDS campaign in your city.
  • Raising awareness about administrative detention in your community using our forthcoming Activist Toolkit.

You can contact Addameer on e-mailFacebookTwitter or their website to get involved in the Stop Administrative Detention campaign.

The clip at the top of this post is from the documentary film Roadmap to Apartheid about Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails and the abusive policy of administrative detention.

(Source /12.03.2013)

Man dies after being hit by settler car in Salfit

NABLUS (Ma’an) — A man died on Tuesday after being hit by a settler’s car last week in Salfit, local sources said.

Zeid Ali Rayyan, 28, was seriously wounded after being knocked down by a settler car on Saturday near Barqan settlement, west of Salfit.

He was taken to a hospital in Israel but died from his wounds on Tuesday.

Rayyan, from the Salfit village of Qarawat Bani Hassan, leaves behind a wife and two children.

(Source /12.03.2013)

Israel to sue Palestinians for copyright infringement of “victim”

 

Palestinian voortrekkers

IMEMC News reports that the Middle East Forum, led by Daniel “Rusty” Pipes is seeking to remove the status of Palestinians as “victims.” “Only Jews have the right to be considered victims,” said Pipes. “As originators of the label, we are entitled to use it exclusively unless we license it to others, as we did after the Haitian earthquake, where Israel generously provided humanitarian aid. Would you like to see the pictures?”

Pipes and his colleagues met with Israel’s UN Ambassador, Ron Prosor, in New York on Thursday, March 7, 2013, to devise ways to end the refugee status of Palestinians.  Pipes told participants in the meeting that the UN approach to the rights of Palestinian refugees “creates a narrative of victimhood” and “promotes extremism.”

“We know from our own experience that a culture of victimhood promotes extremism, which is OK if we’re talking about Jews, but we don’t want to promote it amongst Palestinians,” emphasized Pipes.  “Besides, who are they to be using our narrative?  According to our lawyers, a copyright belongs to the party that first composes a phrase, and a patent to whomever invents an idea.  If that’s not us, I don’t know who it could be.”

“Excuse me, Rusty,” interjected a frail, elderly gentleman at the back of the room.  “I’m as tired as anyone of hearing Palestinians whine about wanting to return home.  If that’s the problem, why don’t we just send them back and be done with it?”

“Will someone remove Mr. Ehrlichman[i] and ask Ms. Luegner[ii] to take his place?” asked Pipes.  “I consulted one of our great minds, Alan Derschowitz, who says that the best way to get rid of the refugee problem is to get rid of the refugees.  This can be accomplished in several ways.  One is as Mr. Ehrlichman suggested, but that is not how we do things.  Another is the way it was done to us, but most of the Palestinian refugees are not in Israeli hands anymore.  The best way therefore is to make them non-refugees the same way Stalingrad became Volgograd or Palestine became Israel: by changing the name.”

“What shall we call them?” asked Ms. Luegner, taking her seat.

“How about illegal aliens?” suggested one person.  “How about pioneers?” offered another.

“Not bad,” replied Pipes, “but I put our best Madison Avenue types on this, and they have come up with a gem: voortrekkers.”

“You want to name them after white South Africans?”

“It’s genius.  The name literally means ‘those who trek forth,’ as we certainly made sure they did, and white South Africans don’t generate much sympathy these days.  We can then propose it to the UN, who can use the new status to stop providing food, education, housing and health care to the Palestinians.  That’s really what we’re trying to achieve here.  Then the world can concentrate on helping the real victims – us.”


[i] “truthful man”

[ii] “liar”

(Source / 12.03.2013)

Hamas urges collaborators to hand themselves in

GAZA CITY (Ma’an) — The Hamas-run Interior Ministry in Gaza has a list of collaborators who will be detained if they do not turn themselves in, a security official said Tuesday.

“Collaborators must contact dignitaries to help them turn themselves over to security services,” said Muhammad Lafi, of the Internal Security Service.

Informers who give themselves up by April 11 will not be detained or sent to interrogation centers, Lafi told reporters in Gaza City.

The Ministry of Interior and the Social Affairs Ministry will allocate a monthly salary to the families of collaborators who surrender, he added.

“This campaign against collaborators isn’t purely a security campaign, as it also has a social element. We do not discriminate between them according to their political affiliation, and we will provide them with information to make sure they can make right their mistakes and thus protect resistance fighters,” Lafi said.

Interior Ministry spokesman Islam Shahwan said the campaign aimed to “reinforce society” against Israeli enlistment efforts.

The ministry released the details of two Palestinians who were recruited by Israeli intelligence.

A man in his 20s posted his mobile number on an online singing website and was contacted the next day by a woman identifying herself as Haifa who claimed to be from northern Israel.

She told the man she was in love with him, sent him money and prepaid phone credit, and said she would connect him with a businessman who could improve his financial situation, according to the ministry.

The businessman turned out to be an Israeli intelligence officer who recruited the man as a collaborator.

The ministry said Gaza’s Internal Security Service discovered the man was a collaborator and he later turned himself in.

“(The ISS in Gaza) treated me well and kept my story secret. I am free of worry now as the crime I committed against my people is now history,” he said, according to the ministry.

Meanwhile, 43-year-old Yousef was recruited by Israel as a collaborator in 1986 after Israeli intelligence officers bribed him using a photo of him having sex, the ministry said.

The Hamas government in Gaza announced its latest campaign to crack down on collaboration with Israel earlier in March.

Palestinian collaboration with Israel is an extremely sensitive issue in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, with information passed to Israel’s security services often being used to make arrests and assassinate political and militant figures.

Gaza courts have handed out 30 death sentences since 2007, many of them to people convicted of helping Israeli security forces.

The last high-profile execution of collaborators took place in Gaza during Israel’s assault on the coastal territory last November.

Gunmen shot dead six alleged collaborators and chained the body of one of them to a motorcycle before dragging it throughout the main streets of Gaza City.

A Ma’an review of publicly available records as well as interviews with experts in Gaza showed that all of the men had been in the custody of the Hamas government for months and in one case years before Israel launched its “Pillar of Cloud” operation, and were not caught “red-handed” as security officials had said at the time.

(Source / 12.03.2013)