Israeli checkpoints kill women in childbirth, says new study

An infant is transferred into an ambulance at Qalandiya checkpoint between Ramallah and East Jerusalem; Palestinian ambulances are prevented from freedom of travel.

LONDON (IRIN) – For three years now a United Kingdom medical journal The Lancet has been working with Palestinian health professionals and researchers to document the effects of stressful living — coping with economic difficulties and shortages, restrictions on movement, political tensions and fear of outside attack — and has just published its latest findings.

Restrictions on movement are an everyday irritant in the occupied West Bank and Gaza Strip. Apart from tedious and humiliating searches at checkpoints, residents never know for sure how long their journeys will take or whether they can be made at all. But in a medical emergency these restrictions can be a matter of life or death.

Last year The Lancet’s collaborators described vividly the terror of women waiting to give birth during Israeli bombing raids on Gaza in early 2009. These women knew they might need urgent medical care at a time when they were trapped in their homes during the attacks. This year another one of their researchers has looked at what happens to women already in labor who are caught at Israeli checkpoints.

A crime against humanity

Halla Shoaibi of University of Michigan in Ann Arbor in the United States estimates that in the period she studied (2000-2007), 10 percent of pregnant Palestinian women were delayed at checkpoints while travelling to hospital to give birth. One result has been a dramatic increase in the number of home births, with women preferring to avoid road trips while in labor for fear of not being able to reach the hospital in time.

Their fears are well-founded. Shoaibi said 69 babies were born at checkpoints during those seven years. Thirty-five babies and five of the mothers died, an outcome which she considered to amount to a crime against humanity.

When The Lancet group held its first meeting in March 2009, Gaza was still reeling from the Israeli attacks dubbed Operation Cast Lead, which led to the deaths of more than 1,400 persons. In the latest publication, researchers returned to that period, with further analysis of survey material about the effects of the attack on the civilian population.

The disruption to normal life was great. Forty-five percent of those surveyed had to leave their homes and move in with other people for at least 24 hours; 48 percent had other people moving in with them; 48 percent of homes were damaged. Nearly everyone had power cuts all or part of the time and many also suffered disruption to other services — telephone, water supply and rubbish collection.

Screaming and nightmares

In terms of psychological effects, more than 80 percent reported a family member screaming or crying or having nightmares. Loss of appetite was also commonly reported. But although Gaza is a relatively small area, the effects varied considerably according to where the respondents lived, with the governorates of Gaza and north Gaza the most and Khan Younis and Rafah (near the border with Egypt) the least affected.

Another study looked at the feelings of insecurity which remained, even six months after the end of the attacks. Some of the results might have been expected — women, for instance, felt more nervous and insecure than men. The groups who reported lower levels of insecurity were those who were better educated and had a better standard of living and also older people, those over 65.

Not all the studies published were directly linked to the Palestinian political situation; topics include smoking among teenagers, the number of pharmacists working in the territories (rather high, as it turns out) and the use of antibiotics in veterinary medicine.

The Lancet’s editor Richard Horton stressed the importance of encouraging academic research into all aspects of health, as part of the process of rebuilding Palestinian society and strengthening its academic institutions.

He said that he saw two immediate priorities. “First, while the collaboration between scientists in Gaza and their colleagues in the West Bank is encouraging, even more effort needs to be invested to create productive alliances between Palestinian academic institutions. And second, while there is much strength in public health research, there is a gap in the clinical sciences. More attention needs to be paid to strengthening research in the many excellent clinical facilities in the region.”

Flotilla II 060711

Israeli checkpoints kill women in childbirth, says new study

In our thousands, in our millions, we are all #Palestinians

Solo #Gaza relief ship Dignite Al Karama presses on for the dignity of #Palestine

Tiny port of Ormos Kouremenos in E Crete was to have been final stop before Dignity began crossing to Gaza #flotilla2

Dignity had taken on 1000 litres of fuel and was awaiting 2nd load when Greek coast guard appeared by land & sea & held the boat

French ship “Dignity” seized by Greek forces while refueling in eastern Crete before heading to Gaza (FR)

Flotilla to Gaza: “Dignity” intercepted by the Greek coastguard

‘The port is empty, the port is for you, for security’ said a coast guard

#Flotilla2 MT @quentingirard: Dignité stopped by coast guard. They say ship could move again tomorrow. More info on in 20 mins

Gaza: Stay human? Just Staying Alive Is Hard Enough


IDF destroys nine water tanks in parched Palestinian village

Late Tuesday morning, July 5, around 11:30am, a convoy of IDF, Civil Administration, and Border Police arrived in the Palestinian village of Amniyr accompanying a flatbed truck with a front end loader and a backhoe.  Israeli settlers having a picnic at the settlement outpost next to the Susiya archaeological site looked on as the army destroyed nine large tanks of water and a tent.

Amniyr is a small village of 11 families in the South Hebron Hills, just northeast of the Palestinian village of Susiya and the Israeli settlement of the same name.  The village of shepherds and farmers, like most villages in the area, is totally dependent in the summer on tanks of water.

That water does not come cheap.  Costs of transportation, due to the poor infrastructure in the area – Palestinians are normally not permitted to build roads in Area C of the West Bank and have restricted access to Israeli roads – mean the cost of water is much higher than normal.  A cubic meter of water in the nearby town of Yatta costs 6 shekels.  In Amniyr it cost 35.  The tanks themselves cost 1000 shekels each, and each tank held 2 cubic meters of water, yielding a total of over 10,000 shekels in damage, which for many in the area is equivalent to a half year’s work.

This is the fifth demolition in Amniyr in the last year, according to village residents and Nasser Nawaja, a B’Tselem worker.  One month ago the army destroyed 11 houses and two cisterns full of water.  The cisterns had also been destroyed 5 months ago and rebuilt with the help of Israeli activists from Ta’ayush.  The ruins of houses from previous demolitions is still present, broken stones and twisted metal.  Located just south of the archaeological site of old Susiya, the Israeli government claims it is state land.

Ten of the families now sleep in Yatta and come during the day to tend to their olive and almond trees as they have no place to stay and no water.    But Mohammed Hussain Jabour and his wife Zaffra refuse to leave.  The morning after the demolition they were making tea on an open fire next to their tent. “I’ve been here with my father and our sheep since I was a little boy,” he said, with visible indignation.  “Now I’m an old man.  And now Israel tells me I can’t be here.  I’m not leaving.”

“What are we supposed to do?”  Zaffra asked.  “What will we drink?  We can’t live without water.”

The demolition comes on the heels of the demolition of 6 tent homes and a lavatory in the village of Bir al Eid, two kilometers to the south, two weeks ago.  Both incidents are the latest in a long history of demolitions of Palestinians homes and buildings in the area by the Israeli army, affecting both these villages and the villages of Susiya and Imneizel, a village south of Susiya.

( / 06.07.2011)

Verdeeldheid onder Marokkanen na het referendum

Na een percentage van 98,5 procent voor de nieuwe grondwet, zijn de meningen over de toekomst van de 20-februaribeweging verdeeld. Ook op het internet, de plaats waar de protestbeweging is geboren.

De uitkomst van het referendum is een triomf voor de koning. De 20-februaribeweging beantwoordde de uitslag met grote demonstraties op zondag 3 juli. Maar niet iedereen is het eens met het verzet. Op het internet drukken Marokkanen hun mening uit over de nieuwe grondwet en die zijn duidelijk verdeeld.

‘Graduele stappen’

Volgens sommigen kunnen de levensomstandigheden in Marokko enkel via een geleidelijke evolutie verbeteren. Blogger Myrtus, een Nederlandse Marokkaanse in de VS, schrijft op haar blog: “Een democratie installeren van de ene dag op de andere zou de natie kunnen destabiliseren, dus persoonlijk verkies ik een scheiding van de machten in graduele stappen terwijl de samenleving blijft evolueren.”

Ze ziet geen nut in eventuele nieuwe verkiezingen. Zelfs als alle corrupte politici ontslag zouden nemen, vindt het land volgens haar niet van de ene dag op de andere hervormingsgezinde politici.

Casablanca op 3 juli 2011. Het protest kon doorgaan ondanks pogingen van voorstanders van de grondwet om de betoging tegen te houden

Confrontatie met realiteit

Volgens Wordsforchange toont het resultaat van het referendum dat de 20-februaribeweging te weinig contact heeft met het grootste deel van de Marokkaanse bevolking: “Deze 98,5% laat zien hoe fel de nieuwe Marokkaanse ‘elites’ geïsoleerd zijn in hun virtuele wereld en gesloten kring van mensen die exact op henzelf lijken. Tot het punt waarop zij echt geloofden dat de Marokkaanse massa’s zouden revolteren. Dit referendum is een harde confrontatie met de realiteit.”

Larbi, een trouwe supporter van de 20-februaribeweging, blijft niet bij de pakken zitten: “Dit zou niet mogen leiden tot wanhoop en terugtrekking. Er is geen reden om hoop te verliezen. Er is zeker iets gerezen op 20 februari en een referendum kan dat niet tegenhouden.”

‘Loyaliteit aan de koning’

In een kort interview met Protest in Marokko wijt ‘LeJebly‘ (*), een Marokkaan uit Rabat, de verdeeldheid aan ‘de propaganda van de staat en haar oorlog tegen de 20-februaribeweging’: “De mensen denken dat de koning hun toekomst bepaalt. De grondwet werd gezien als teken van loyaliteit aan de koning en niet als een politiek document op zich. Dat bracht de 20-februaribeweging in diskrediet.”

De toekomst van de koning is volgens hem verzekerd. “Hij zal niet verdwijnen. We hebben hem symbolisch nodig. De Spaanse monarchie heeft Franco doorstaan. Die van ons zal de Makhzen moeten doorstaan.”

Op de vraag wat hij denkt over de toekomst van de 20-februaribeweging, antwoordt hij: “Dat weet ik niet. Na het protest van de voorbije zondag ben ik zeker dat het een kracht is waarmee je rekening moet houden. De Makhzen-overheid is er bang van, kijk maar naar hoeveel geld ze gebruiken om de beweging te stoppen, en we hebben het maar over ‘een groepje jongeren’.”

( / 06.07.2011)  

hier is deze blog te vinden .

Will Palestine Be the Newest UN Member? What Is Our Role?


This September, Palestinians are expected to push for the State of Palestine to become a full member of the United Nations and to get additional countries to recognize Palestinian statehood.

Will this important diplomatic initiative succeed? It probably won’t if the United States wields its veto in the Security Council to block Palestine’s application for UN membership. Given the Obama Administration’s track record of shielding Israel from accountability, there’s every reason to believe that the United States will once again try to thwart Palestinian rights.

Just last month at the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) policy conference, President Barack Obama declared:

“No vote at the United Nations will ever create an independent Palestinian state… the United States will stand up against efforts to single Israel out at the United Nations… Israel’s legitimacy is not a matter for debate.”

By equating Palestinian efforts to seek their long-denied rights at the UN with the “delegitimization” of Israel, President Obama is subjecting Palestinian freedom to Israel’s timetable.

As the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. wrote in his Letter from a Birmingham Jail: “For years now I have heard the word ‘Wait!‘… This ‘Wait‘ has almost always meant ‘Never.'” The worst stumbling block to freedom’s advance, King argued, is the person who “believes he can set the timetable for another” person’s freedom.

After two decades of waiting for statehood through negotiations with Israel in a U.S.-dominated “peace process” that always relegated Palestinian human rights to the back of the bus, Palestinians are now taking their case directly to the UN.

Although the US Campaign is not taking a position on this Palestinian initiative, we do affirm:

Mr. President, you are wrong to stand in their way.

Our country’s support for Israeli occupation and apartheid is the key stumbling block to Palestinian freedom and it is up to us to change that.

To help us do so, we’re launching a Frequently Asked Questions document to tackle the tricky legal, political, and historical issues raised by this initiative, as well as the implications for our coalition’s work to change U.S. policy toward Palestine/Israel to support human rights, international law, and equality.

Here are some of the important questions addressed in our FAQ:

Will UN membership for Palestine change realities on the ground for Palestinians living under Israeli military occupation?

Will recognition of Palestinian statehood by additional countries advance or set back Palestinian human rights?

We don’t claim to have all the answers or to know how this will work out at the UN this September and beyond.  But we do hope that the FAQ helps us all think about this important policy development.

We’ve also assembled links to additional resources highlighting different perspectives on the subject.

Whatever happens between now and the fall, this is the time for us to redouble our efforts to change U.S. policy to support Palestinian freedom, justice, and equality and end Israeli occupation and apartheid.

( / 06.07.2011)


woensdag 6 juli om 1:00 – 31 juli om 23:30

everywhere (mailing)

Gemaakt door:

Voor We are all on the Freedom Flotilla 2

UN Secretary-General
Mr. Ban Ki-Moon

Prime Minister of Greece
Mr. Georghe Papandreou

Embassy of Greece in Italy
tel. 06-8537551
fax 06-8415927

Consulates of Greece in the USA: all contacts here:

The blockade imposed on the ships of the Freedom Flotilla by the Greek government is a proof that the illegal blockade imposed on Gaza by Israel has been extended to the Greek coasts.

This fact reveals how far-reaching is, today, the unquestioned and unpunished Israeli power.

Considering that:
1. Israel and Gaza are not in a state of war;
2. the occupation of Gaza is illegitimate;
3. the block cannot be extended to ships carrying humanitarian aids

we want to reaffirm that Israel is violating – for the umpteenth time – the international law and is distinguishing itself for its intimidations against all those who plan to challenge its blockade.

Israel has been trying for a long time to stop the mission of peace of the Freedom Flotilla 2 – Stay Human, and has been doing it by any means, not least by promising financial aids (Haaretz, July 1, 2011) to a country – Greece – that is facing an unprecedented internal crisis and by threatening harsh retaliation against the population of Gaza if any ship of the Flotilla should reach the coast of the Gaza Strip: today we have already received the news of a missile fired by Israel into Gaza, leaving two men dead and various people injured.
And nobody is saying anything, neither the UN, nor any other Institution.

Surely it was not helpful, Mr Ban Ki Moon, your statement in May, when you asked that the Flotilla didn’t set sail, notwithstanding its keeping with the norms of international law, instead of asking Israel – a state in default of UN resolutions – not to interfere.

“We call on all Governments, especially those of the countries around the Mediterranean sea, to use their influence to discourage the flotilla, to ‘avoid an escalation of violence’”. Not only has this statement given to the Governments a “shield” to hide themselves, but it has also favoured that “intensity of international relations”, as defined by Art. 128 of the Greek Navigation Code, under which the Captain of the Audacity of Hope was arrested. And his release, today, bears testimony to the fact that there were no charges to justify his detention.

We expected that the UN would express a position consistent with the resolutions it has adopted. We still would like to be able to appeal to the UN as an international organization created with the aim of safeguarding respect for international law. By supporting Israel’s arbitrary actions, the UN is making itself a party to illegality.

The cargo on the ships of the Flotilla consists of humanitarian aids bound for the population of Gaza, aids which are essential to ensure the fundamental rights to freedom from hunger and to health care to the Gaza people, who are besieged and starved by an illegal blockade unilaterally imposed by Israel and condemned by the UN. (Incidentally, we inform you that the medicine carried by the Canadian boat, which is also blocked in Greece, are at risk of deterioration, due to lack of the electricity needed to run the refrigeration equipment, after being boarded by members of the Greek coast guards).

The “Freedom Flotilla 2 – Stay Human” is undoubtedly a humanitarian operation carried out within the “global civil society”, and its right to take action is established by the international law itself, as well as by various UN resolutions:

a) Article 1 of the United Nations Declaration of 9 December 1998:
“Everyone has the right, individually and in association with others, to promote and to strive for the protection and realization of human rights and fundamental freedoms at the national and international levels.”

b) UN resolution n. 1860/2009:
“Stressing that the Gaza Strip constitutes an integral part of the territory occupied in 1967 (…) Expressing grave concern also at the deepening humanitarian crisis in Gaza, (…) Calls for the unimpeded provision and distribution throughout Gaza of humanitarian assistance, including of food, fuel and medical treatment; Welcomes the initiatives aimed at creating and opening humanitarian corridors and other mechanisms for the sustained delivery of humanitarian aid”.

c) “Presidential Statement” adopted by the Security Council on the night of 31 May 2010, when the Israeli Navy attacked the Mavi Marmara killing 9 activists and injuring many others:
“The Security Council requests the immediate release of the ships as well as the civilians held by Israel. (…) The Council urges Israel (…) to ensure the delivery of humanitarian assistance from the convoy to its destination. (…) stresses that the situation in Gaza is not sustainable. The Council re-emphasizes the importance of the full implementation of resolutions 1850 (2008) and 1860 (2009). In that context, it reiterates its grave concern at the humanitarian situation in Gaza and stresses the need for sustained and regular flow of goods and people to Gaza as well as unimpeded provision and distribution of humanitarian assistance throughout Gaza.”

This is a very important point, because on one side it implicitly recognizes the illegality of the unilateral blockade on Gaza, on the other side it endorses the legitimacy of the humanitarian goals pursued by the Flotilla.

According to the UN Resolutions, Gaza “constitutes an integral part of an occupied territory”: this means that it applies to Gaza the IV Geneva Convention which forbids collective punishment of a civilian population and requires that the occupying power take care of the besieged civilian population. Israel is ignoring both these claims.

Israel’s behaviour does not surprise us, having been the same for years.

Instead, we would like to understand why the UN position is so dramatically changed compared to what has been ratified by the international law and compared to the Resolutions the UN itself adopted in the past.

And most of all, Mr Ban Ki Moon, we would like to hear the UN voice condemn the illegal blockade on Gaza and support all the people and the associations who are working for a better world, where peace and rights be granted to all the peoples.


Respectfully yours

(date, name, surname, address of the sender)
We are all on the Freedom Flotilla 2



Il blocco delle navi della Freedom Flotilla da parte del Governo greco è una dimostrazione che il blocco illegale imposto a Gaza da Israele si estende ora fino alle coste greche.

Questo avvenimento mette in chiaro fin dove arriva, oggi, il potere indiscusso ed impunito di Israele.

Considerando che:

1. non c’è stato di guerra tra Israele e Gaza;
2. l’occupazione di Gaza è illegittima;
3. il blocco non può estendersi a navi in soccorso umanitario

vogliamo ribadire che Israele sta violando – per l’ennesima volta – il diritto internazionale e si sta distinguendo per le intimidazioni a tutti coloro che intendono sfidare il blocco.

Israele sta tentando da tempo di fermare la missione di pace della Freedom Flotilla 2 – Stay Human, e lo sta facendo con ogni mezzo, non ultima la promessa di aiuti finanziari (Haaretz, 1 luglio 2011) ad un Paese – la Grecia – che sta attraversando una crisi interna senza precedenti e la minaccia di pesanti ritorsioni sulla popolazione di Gaza se una barca della Flotilla dovesse raggiungere le coste della Striscia: già oggi si è avuta notizia di un missile lanciato da Israele su Gaza; bilancio: due morti e svariati feriti. E nessuno dice nulla, non l’ONU, non le Istituzioni.

Certamente, Mr. Ban Ki Moon, non ha aiutato la Sua dichiarazione del maggio scorso, con cui chiedeva alla Flotilla, in regola con il diritto internazionale, di non partire anziché ad Israele di non interferire. Ad un Israele inadempiente alle risoluzioni emesse dall’ONU stesso.

“Chiediamo a tutti i Paesi, soprattutto a quelli che affacciano sul Mediterraneo di usare la propria influenza per bloccare la partenza delle navi, per “evitare un’escalation della violenza”. Tale dichiarazione non solo ha fornito ai Governi uno “scudo” dietro cui nascondersi, ma ha anche favorito quella “intensity of international relations” di cui all’art. 128 del Codice di Navigazione greco in base al quale è stato arrestato il capitano della Audacity of Hope, che fortunatamente è stato rimesso in libertà oggi, a prova del fatto che non esistevano elementi per il trattenimento.

Dall’ONU ci aspettavamo una presa di posizione coerente con le risoluzioni emesse. Noi vorremmo ancora poterci appellare all’ONU come ad un organismo internazionale nato per salvaguardare il rispetto della legalità internazionale. Sostenendo invece le azioni arbitrarie di Israele, l’ONU si sta rendendo complice dell’illegalità.

Il carico delle navi della Flotilla è costituito da aiuti umanitari diretti alla popolazione di Gaza, indispensabili per soddisfare il diritto fondamentale all’alimentazione e il diritto fondamentale alla salute degli abitanti di Gaza, assediati e affamati da un blocco illegale, unilateralmente deciso da Israele e condannato dalle Nazioni Unite. (Tra l’altro, i medicinali trasportati dalla barca canadese, bloccata anch’essa in Grecia, sono a rischio di deterioramento a causa della mancanza, a seguito dell’abbordaggio da parte della Guardia costiera greca, della corrente elettrica indispensabile a mantenere in funzione l’impianto di refrigerazione).

La “Freedom Flotilla 2 – Stay Human” ha indubbiamente i caratteri di un’operazione umanitaria di “società civile globale”, legittimata ad agire proprio dal diritto internazionale, oltre che da svariate risoluzioni ONU:

a) articolo 1 della Dichiarazione delle Nazioni Unite del 9 dicembre 1998:
“Tutti hanno il diritto, individualmente e in associazione con altri, di promuovere e lottare per la protezione e la realizzazione dei diritti umani e delle libertà fondamentali a livello nazionale e internazionale”.

b) Risoluzione ONU n. 1860/2009:
“Sottolineando che la Striscia di Gaza costituisce parte integrale del territorio occupato nel 1967 (…) esprimendo profonda preoccupazione per l’aggravarsi della crisi umanitaria a Gaza, (…) urge per l’incondizionato rifornimento e distribuzione in Gaza di assistenza umanitaria, compreso il cibo, l’energia e le cure mediche, saluta con favore le iniziative miranti a creare e aprire corridoi umanitari e altri meccanismi per la continua somministrazione di aiuto umanitario”.

c) “Presidential Statement” deciso dal Consiglio di Sicurezza nella notte dal 31 maggio 2010, quando la Marina israeliana attaccò la Mavi Marmara uccidendo 9 attivisti e ferendone molti altri:
“Il Consiglio di Sicurezza (…) richiede l’immediato rilascio delle navi e dei civili detenuti da Israele (…). Sollecita Israele perché (…) garantisca l’arrivo a destinazione dell’assistenza umanitaria portata dal convoglio (…). Sottolinea che la situazione in Gaza non è sostenibile e ribadisce l’importanza della piena attuazione delle risoluzioni 1850 (2008) e 1860 (2009) che reiterano la profonda preoccupazione per la situazione umanitaria a Gaza e sottolineano la necessità di un flusso continuativo e regolare di beni e di persone verso Gaza nonché l’incondizionato rifornimento e distribuzione di assistenza umanitaria dentro Gaza”.

E’ questo un punto molto importante, poiché da un lato riconosce implicitamente l’illegalità del blocco unilaterale di Gaza, dall’altro avalla la legittimità delle finalità di aiuto umanitario perseguite dalla Flottiglia.

Gaza, ai sensi delle Risoluzioni delle stesse Nazioni Unite, è “parte integrale di un territorio occupato”: vale quindi la IV Convenzione di Ginevra che vieta la punizione collettiva della popolazione civile ed obbliga il Paese occupante a prendersi cura del benessere della popolazione civile sotto assedio. Israele sta disattendendo entrambi questi aspetti.

L’atteggiamento di Israele non ci meraviglia, dato che da anni è sempre lo stesso.

Vorremmo invece capire in base a cosa le posizioni dell’ONU sono così radicalmente cambiate rispetto a quelle stabilite dalla legislazione internazionale e dalle Risoluzioni in precedenza varate dalla stessa ONU.

E vorremmo soprattutto sentire la voce dell’ONU, Mr. Ban Ki Moon, condannare il blocco illegale su Gaza e sostenere le persone e le realtà che si impegnano per un mondo diverso, in cui la pace ed i diritti umani siano assicurati a tutti i popoli.


Cordiali saluti,
(data, nome, cognome, indirizzo mittente)
We are all on the Freedom Flotilla 2

een stem voor een nieuwe vertegenwoordiging van de Moslims van België

zondag 1 januari 2012 · 15:30 – 18:30


Gemaakt door:

Waar zijn onze moslims gebleven die opkomen voor hun rechten.

Waar zijn onze moslims gebleven die tegen onrecht zijn.

Waar zijn onze moslims gebleven die hun verantwoordelijkheid opnemen.

Waar zijn onze moslims gebleven die ons met bekwaamheid en een zuivere intentie vertegenwoordigen.

Eerst en vooral tonen we ons respect aan diegene die wel hun best hebben gedaan binnen het EMB maar geen steun kregen van de meerderheid om hun ideeën te kunnen waarmaken.

Speciaal respect aan Nourdine Taouil die slachtoffer werd van intimidatie en broodroof omwille van zijn strijd tegen onrecht en hierbij geen steun kreeg van het EMB terwijl hij zelf lid is van de algemene vergadering van het EMB


We eisen een onmiddellijke ontbinding van het huidige executief van de Moslims van België

We eisen een nieuwe vertegenwoordiging die gebaseerd is op transparantie

We eisen een orgaan waarbij de bestuursleden verkozen worden door de moslims en dit zonder inmenging van de overheid

We eisen een orgaan waarbij de bestuursleden een taal en bekwaamheidstest moeten ondergaan

We eisen een duidelijke scheiding der machten bij de aanstelling van deze bestuursleden

We eisen dat elke moslim die voldoet aan de eisen ook kan deelnemen aan de verkiezingen

We eisen een orgaan die waar kan maken wat de moslims willen.

We eisen een orgaan die zijn verantwoordelijkheid neemt wanneer de vrijheid van godsdienst in het gedrang komt

We eisen een effectieve erkenningsprocedure voor de moskeeën en Imams, een professionele aanpak van aalmoezeniers in gevangenissen, ziekenhuizen en jeugddetentiecentra

We eisen een Raad van theologen die gehoor geeft aan de vragen van de moslims

We eisen geen inmenging van buitenlandse instanties ten koste van de Moslims hier

We eisen dat er een zero tolerantie komt voor wat betreft corruptie en andere schandalen

We eisen een beleid die in dialoog treedt en de Islamofobie bestrijdt

We eisen een sterk beleid rond islamonderwijs met de nodige competenties

We eisen een professionele aanpak van de Moslimomroep

We eisen een zero tolerantie voor etnische conflicten binnen het bestuur en de algemene vergadering.

We roepen de Moslims op om hun verantwoordelijkheid te nemen en mee te helpen aan een betere toekomst voor de moslims in België