British Prime Minister Boris Johnson meets with Benjamin Netanyahu at No. 10 Downing Street, in London, United Kingdom on September 5th, 2019
Almost 130 British members of parliament have urged Prime Minister Boris Johnson to impose economic sanctions on Israel should the country’s new coalition government carry out its plans to annex the Palestinian territories of the occupied West Bank.
In a letter last week, signed by the Conservative Party’s former chairman Lord Chris Patten and its former international development secretary Andrew Mitchell, makes it clear to Johnson that the annexation is illegal and would be a blatant violation of international law, as reported by British newspaper the Guardian.
Organised by the Council for Arab-British Understanding (Caabu), the letter and its signatories condemn the invasion plan “as a mortal blow to the chances of peace between Israelis and Palestinians based on any viable two-state solution.” It stated that Israel is using “the cover of the Covid-19 pandemic to seek to implement this egregious plan. It is vital that the UK does everything in its power to prevent this.”
The letter, which is a bi-partisan call not limited to a single party, was also signed by diplomats and MPs often hailed as campaigners against alleged anti-Semitism in the Labour Party such as Margaret Hodge, acknowledging that the UK imposed sanctions against Russia when it annexed Crimea from Ukraine in 2014 and that the British government would be wrong not to show a similar response to Israel.
Israel’s plan was announced last month following the formation of an emergency unity government led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and opposition leader Benny Gantz, with both figures pledging to forcefully seize the West Bank areas of the strategic Jordan Valley and the Jewish settlements which are illegal under international law.
The annexation of the West Bank – planned for 1 July – has long been in Israel’s sight, but was established as a renewed and primary goal in US President Donald Trump’s so-called ‘Deal of the Century’ earlier this year, in which a political-economic plan was drawn up to give vast military and territorial advantages to Israel while stripping the Palestinians of their own security forces and around 30 per cent of the West Bank.
It continued that the stand of “international law is crystal clear. The acquisition of territory through war is prohibited. The Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014 is a recent example where Britain quite properly opposed such acts with appropriate measures, including robust sanctions.”
the government must now make clear publicly to Israel that any annexation will have severe consequences including sanctions.
“Words are not enough: Prime Minister Netanyahu has ignored our words. We need to prevent his government from setting this alarmingly dangerous precedent in international relations.”
Last week, prior to the letter, the UK joined a diplomatic initiative taken by 10 European Union diplomats over a virtual call on Zoom warning against Israel’s annexation plans. An imposition of sanctions, however, is thought to be a much more serious step and one that could tarnish the strong bilateral relations between Israel and the UK.
The goal of the First Lebanon War was to bring down the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and turn the country into Palestine, former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak has said in a shocking admission about the true intention of the Zionist state.
Israelis were told that the objective of the 1982 invasion of Lebanon was to remove forces belonging to the Palestinian Liberation Organisation and end the threat posed by the resistance group to its northern communities. Barack admitted that this was untrue, explaining that the real goal was to use the “pretext of Palestinian terror” to force the PLO back to Jordan where they would take over government from the Hashemite Kingdom.
“The idea was to use the pretext of Palestinian terror, which they (the PLO) were providing us with, to attack them in south Lebanon and turn that into a leverage [Israel can use] and join the Christian (forces) in Beirut,” Barak said in an interview with Maariv, the sister publication of the Jerusalem Post.
“The assumption was that they (the PLO) will have to return to Jordan and unlike what happened in 1970 (when the late King Hussein ordered the forcible expulsion of the PLO) this time they will be ready and take over the government.”
“And in that way Zion is redeemed,” Barak continued.
In Jordan a Palestinian state will be created and the conflict could be resolved.
Barack suggested that the PLO would have learnt the lessons of Black September – the 1970 conflict with Jordan which led to the expulsion of Palestinians to Lebanon – and stand a better chance of deposing the late King Hussein.
Barack’s admission would suggest that Israel did not achieve any of its war objectives. A second stated goal was to aid Lebanese Christians in order to gain a regional ally. A Christian-dominated Lebanon was seen as a potential ally, supportive of the Jewish state as two minority-countries in the region.
Not only was this hope dashed when the Christian President of Lebanon Bachir Gemayel was assassinated in September 1982, Israel’s image across the world took a tumble for enabling hundreds of Phalangist fighters – Israel’s paramilitary ally in Lebanon – to carry out a massacre in Sabra and Shatila refugee camp.
Palestinian Authority police forces can be seen violently arresting a Palestinian man on 12 March 2017
The Palestinian Authority in Ramallah has arrested 21 Palestinians in the first ten days of Ramadan due to their political views and charitable activities, Arab48.com has reported.
The families of those and others arrested by the PA have revealed that dozens more were summoned for investigations over their political views, social media posts or involvement in charitable activities outside the scope of Fatah’s umbrella.
One of the Palestinians arrested is Fadel Jabarin, the manager of an orphanage run by the Islamic Society. He has been on hunger strike for five days, protesting against his “illegal” detention. He says that he was arrested by the PA security services for distributing food parcels to orphans without the involvement of, or coordination with, Fatah.
Euro-Mediterranean Monitor for Human Rights condemned the PA’s use of the state of emergency imposed in the light of the coronavirus outbreak to justify arbitrary detentions. “Such detentions are flagrant violations of the international human rights conventions signed by the PA, as well as violations of the local PA laws,” it insisted.
Israeli troops reportedly abducted, on Monday, eight Palestinian residents from different areas of the West Bank.
Local Palestinian media sources said that those abducted were identified as Ziyad Abu Salem from the Abu Shkhaidem village, north of Ramallah city, Nawras Ferras from Markaba village, south of Jenin city.
The sources added that Israeli troops broke into the home of prisoner Ja’far Abu Salah from the Arraba town, south of Jenin, and then ransacked the home.
Earlier, Israeli troops abducted Mahmoud Abu Hashhash, 28 , Obeida Altiti, 19 from the Alfawwar refugee camp, Abdelfattah Abu Ejhahisha, 42, from Hebron’s Ethna village, Ameed Alhoutary from Nablus city, Baraa Ammar and Abed Beqawi, from the Qafin town, on the outskirts of Tulkarem.
Official PA signs removed by Israeli forces in Kufur Aqab. April 23,2020
By Qassam Muaddi
Israel’s policies in the “grey zones” can only have one effect on the population, which is to push them out, silently and in the long term
The Jerusalem road slides out of Ramallah’s urban casquet down to the south, where a large inscription decorating an arch welcomes travelers into Jerusalem. Past the point where Palestinian commercial bill-boards stop showing up along the road and where the road-sides are no longer nice and neat, the road crosses through endless tall residential buildings that stand behind stores, car repair shops and popular restaurants, chaotically packed beside each other on both sides of the road. In normal days it’s 40 minutes to 1-hour ride through the constant traffic-jam before arriving at the Qalandia checkpoint, where the occupation’s segregation wall and military watch-towers mark the end of the trip. But for the past month and a half, since the beginning of the Covid-19 pandemic, the trip no longer takes more than 15 minutes in the now ghost-like area.
The zone of Kufr Aqab and Semiramis has been under closure by the occupation, like the rest of the Palestinian neighborhoods of East Jerusalem that are separated from the city by the occupation’s segregation wall. Despite this, there is no knowledge of the real size of Covid-19 spread in the area, as there haven’t been enough health control measures by the occupation authorities, who are supposed to be in charge of health services in these neighborhoods. This contrast indicates a situation where the pandemic seems to be more exploited than confronted by the Israeli occupation, and where near 200.000 Palestinians are being left to their fate under Coronavirus.
These “grey zones” have historically been part of Jerusalem. In fact, when ‘Israel’ occupied East Jerusalem and the West Bank in June 1967, it maintained these Palestinian neighborhoods within the borders of Jerusalem’s municipality. Later in 1980, when the occupation state illegally annexed East Jerusalem, it included these neighborhoods as well, putting them under the administrative jurisdiction of the Israeli civil authorities, not the Israeli army.
However, with the growing rate of Israeli settlements in the holy city, Palestinian neighborhoods became increasingly neglected and discriminated against in development, services, and security, becoming hotbeds for poverty and crime. Then, when the occupation state began to build its segregation wall in 2002, it left large areas of Palestinian population outside of the wall. These include Kufr Aqab, Semiramis, Shuafat, Al-Ram, Anata, and Beit Hanina, forming a periphery line between the occupation wall and the zones under Palestinian administration since the Oslo accords. A series of zones technically belonging to Jerusalem, but effectively ran by nobody.
Palestinian living in these areas are officially Jerusalem residents, They have the Jerusalem residency card. A document that the occupation gave all Palestinians in East Jerusalem in 1967, allowing them to live in the city, however turning them from citizens to mere “residents” under the threat of losing their residency rights at any moment and for any excuse.
When the Covid-19 pandemic hit Palestine at the beginning of March, the Palestinian authority took strict measures to contain it as it expanded, imposing isolation, limiting movement, and conducting tests in all the areas of its administrative jurisdiction. These don’t include the Palestinian neighborhoods of East Jerusalem, where the Israeli authorities are supposed to do the job. However, it wasn’t until the 13th of April that the Israeli government sent few mobile medical units to conduct Covid-19 tests, only after a petition was presented to the Israeli supreme court, on the 8th of April, demanding medical attention to these areas.
The petition was presented by advocates Suhad Bishara and Maysanah Mourani on behalf of Adalah, the legal center for the rights of Palestinians in ‘Israel’, jointly with the civil coalition for Palestinian rights in Jerusalem. Bishara and Mourani accused the Israeli government of “discriminating against Palestinian neighborhoods and ignoring the risk of the pandemic expansion among the Palestinian population, despite the fact that these areas fall under Israeli administrative jurisdiction”.
The court ruled in favor of the petition which led to the sending of the mobile units, but it has been largely symbolic. According to Bishara and Mourani, the Israeli government only sent two mobile units, to Kufr Aqab and Shuafat, conducting tens of tests so far, out of over 150.000 inhabitants.
This neglect is the continuation of a situation that residents have been forced to adapt to for years. A situation that has had heavy consequences on the population. “The Palestinian authority can not intervene here, so criminals find a safe haven in these streets” explains Daoud El Ghoul, a young activist from East Jerusalem. “The state of Israel lets the situation rot. Drug dealers and other criminal bands operate here in total impunity and under the eyes and ears of the Israelí government” he points out. To this reality, residents have tried for years to respond paying for garbage collection themselves and organizing shifts to keep the streets safe at night. But it takes more than that to contain a pandemic.
Since the beginning of March civil organizations in Shuafat refugee camp have formed a joint health committee. With the help of the UNRWA, the committee tries to provide the necessary material for disinfecting public spaces, ensure food provisions for families affected by the closure and track down the infected cases. S.A, member of the health committee and one of the few doctors in the camp, who prefers to stay anonymous said that “the Israelí mobile medical unit operated in the camp only one day, then left. It has been the joint committee formed by local residents who have done the job. We take the suspected cases to Ramallah for testing and then make sure they are quarantined”.
But even when it’s absent when it comes to health care and services, the occupation is always ready to make presence with repressive measures. The Shuafat refugee camp in particular has been closed by the occupation army for a month now. S.A says that “it has been very difficult to take people to Ramallah for testing and for Palestinian doctors to come in. Even bringing supplies has been restricted by the occupation.” even though the closure loosed-up a little in the past week, it still in place and supplies come to the camp mainly through the UNRWA.
The double policy of neglect and repression of the occupation authorities towards these areas has been the rule for years. Shuafat refugee camp in particular has been systematically targetted by demolitions in the past five years. In March last year, the occupation authorities forced a family in Shuafat to demolish their own house, with the pretext that its four floors building overlooked a near settlement. In April, the occupation bulldozers demolished two houses in the camp with the excuse that they were built without permits. In May, the occupation forces entered Shuafat at night and left a notice on the door of the camp’s services committee building, saying that it will be demolished. In June, bulldozers came back and demolished another house. In fact, according to Israelí human rights center B’tselem, the year 2019 registered the highest number of demolitions in East Jerusalem, reaching 140 demolitions only until September. That is more than all the occupation demolitions in East Jerusalem in the past 15 years combined.
The effects of this policy are aggravated by the systematic abandoning of Palestinian Jerusalemites in the midst of a pandemic. Such policy can only have one effect, on the population, which is to push them out of the zone, silently and in the long term. This becomes clearer as Israeli leaders precipitate to annex parts of the West Bank, which would include illegal settlers into the limits of Jerusalem, changing the demographics of the holy city and its surroundings, repeating the colonial replacement process that was triggered in 1948. A scenario that makes every act of Palestinians to stay and build a life in these “grey zones” of Jerusalem behind the wall, in and of itself, a daily act of resistance.
Occupied Jerusalem (QNN)- Israeli forces rearrested Nihad Zgheir the moment he was released from Gilboa jail this morning.
The Committee of the Families of Jerusalem Prisoners stated that the Israelis rearrested Zgheir the moment he was released. They rearrested him when he was leaving the jail where he served 35 months.
The committee added that Zgheir (42 years old) was arrested in June 2017 when he was on his way back home from a journey to Makkah to perform Umrah. He was subjected to prolonged interrogation at the Maskubiyyeh interrogation center in occupied Jerusalem.
An Israeli court accused Zgheir of being “a leader in Al Aqsa Mosque Youth organization”. It imposed a 10,000 NIS fine on Zgheir.
Nihad Zgheir is a father of four children and sports coach at Burj Al Laqlaq institution in the occupied city.
Occupied Palestine (QNN)- Hamas Information Service in the West Bank documented 1015 Israeli violations in the West Bank and Jerusalem in last April.
In a new report, the service stated that Israeli soldiers and settlers killed three Palestinians and wounded over 60 others in increasing attacks last month.
The occupation state exploited the Covid-19 crisis to increase and deepen its violations against native Palestinians, especially in the occupied Palestinian capital city, where 260 violations were committed. Hebron came next with 123 violations, then Nablus with 121 violations.
The report spotted a dramatic increase in the Israeli raids in Jerusalem that reached 74 raids in April in comparison with 24 in March.
The violations also included 181 arrests and 77 vandalism and demolition of properties belonging to Palestinians.
Settlers’ violence also continued to target Palestinians and their properties. The report documented 72 attacks by settlers.
Meanwhile, in nine cases, Israeli forces attacked medical crews that were striving to fight the coronavirus outbreak.
The report added that the Israeli army continued to raid Palestinian villages and cities and spread fear among Palestinians through contaminating houses and vehicles and spitting on them to spread the virus.
Unknown contaminated material, as well as used gloves and needles, were reportedly thrown by Israeli soldiers at Palestinians’ houses during a raid into the village of Beit Ummar in Hebron.
Allah de meest Verhevene heeft in de Koran verduidelijkt aan wie wij onze zakaat moeten geven. Dit zijn acht groepen die Allah in één vers heeft genoemd. Allah zegt:
“Voorwaar, de zakaat is slechts voor 1) de armen en 2) de behoeftigen en 3) de werkenden (aan de inzameling ervan) en 4) de Moe’allaf en voor 5) het vrijkopen van de slaven en 6) de schuldenaren en om (uit te geven) op 7) de weg van Allah en voor 8) de reiziger (die zonder proviand is komen te zitten)als een plicht tegenover Allah …” [9:60]
Het zijn slechts deze acht groepen die recht hebben op de zakaat, andere doeleinden hoe vroom ze ook mogen zijn, zoals het bouwen van moskeeën e.d., mag geen zakaat aan worden besteed.
In dit bericht gaan we in op de drie meestvoorkomende groepen rechthebbenden:
De armen Allah heeft als eerste de armen genoemd omdat zij het meest behoeftig zijn. De arme is niet wat wij ons voorstellen bij het woordje “arme”: namelijk iemand die geen woning heeft en er onverzorgd bijloopt.
Met een arme wordt in islamitische termen een persoon bedoeld die helemaal geen inkomen heeft, of een inkomen heeft maar dat het minder dan de helft van zijn jaarlijkse kosten dekt.
Voorbeeld Een persoon heeft een inkomen op jaarbasis van €3000, en zijn jaarlijkse kosten (en die van degenen die hij onderhoudt) qua huur, eten, kleding e.d. bedraagt €7000. Dan behoort deze persoon tot de groep “armen” (faqier) omdat zijn inkomen minder dan de helft van zijn jaarlijkse kosten dekt. Hij heeft in dat geval recht op datgene wat hij op jaarbasis tekort komt, en dat is in dit voorbeeld €4000.
De behoeftigen De behoeftige is in minder hoge nood dan de arme. Een persoon die onder de behoeftigen valt, heeft voldoende inkomen om: de helft van zijn jaarlijkse kosten te dekken, of meer dan de helft.
Voorbeeld Een persoon heeft een inkomen op jaarbasis van €3000, en zijn jaarlijkse kosten zijn €4000. Deze persoon behoort tot de groep “behoeftigen” (miskien) omdat zijn inkomen meer dan de helft van zijn jaarlijkse kosten dekt. Hij heeft in dit voorbeeld recht op €1000 zakaat.
Het valt op dat het enige verschil tussen de twee groepen, de hoogte in nood is. Ze komen beiden overeen in het feit dat hun inkomsten niet genoeg zijn om hun jaarlijkse kosten te dekken. Dat is dus ook de reden waarom zij recht hebben op zakaat.
De schuldenaren Een persoon die genoeg inkomsten heeft om zijn jaarlijkse kosten te dekken, maar met een schuld zit en niet in staat is om deze af te lossen, is ook rechthebbende. Dit wanneer de schuld is ontstaan door het lenen van geld voor noodzakelijke zaken, zoals het kopen van kleding voor zijn gezin e.d. en niet wanneer de schuld is ontstaan vanwege het kopen van allerlei overbodige zaken.
Deze schuld mag direct aan de schuldeiser worden afgelost, wanneer de schuldenaar bijvoorbeeld niet goed met geld om kan gaan en wordt gevreesd dat hij het zal verspillen.
Intentie De zakaat is een aanbidding en voor elke aanbidding is een intentie vereist. Wanneer je dus een persoon geld geeft als zakaat, moet de intentie van zakaat vooraf zijn genomen (in het hart). Je kan een bedrag dat je iemand hebt gegeven zonder intentie dat het zakaat is daarom niet achteraf als zakaat beschouwen.
Vermelden dat het zakaat is Wanneer jij zo goed als zeker weet dat een bepaalde persoon recht heeft op zakaat, hoeft het niet te worden vermeld dat het geld dat jij hem geeft zakaat is, aangezien dit de betreffende persoon in verlegenheid kan brengen.
Wie je geen zakaat mag geven Iedereen die jij verplicht bent te onderhouden (wanneer zij dat nodig hebben en jij daartoe in staat bent) mag je geen zakaat geven. Dat zijn met name jouw ouders (en hun ouders) en jouw kinderen (en hun kinderen), omdat je met het geven van zakaat jouw verplichting om hen te onderhouden op deze manier ontloopt. Wel wordt er een uitzondering gemaakt wanneer een persoon het niet ruim genoeg heeft om hen te onderhouden, dat hij ze van zijn zakaat geeft. Een andere uitzondering is in het geval dat degenen die jij verplicht bent te onderhouden, zoals vader of kind, schulden hebben. Dan mag jij hen helpen met het aflossen van hun schulden.
Voorrang Het beste is om jouw zakaat aan arme familieleden te geven, omdat de zakaat op deze manier liefdadigheid is én reden van het onderhouden van de familiebanden, zoals dat in een overlevering staat. Vaak geven mensen hun zakaat aan allerlei instantie’s terwijl zij familieleden hebben in binnen of buitenland die nauwelijks rond kunnen komen.
Voorgaande jaren Zakaat die jij voorgaande jaren niet hebt uitgegeven vanwege bijvoorbeeld onwetendheid, komt niet te vervallen. Met het tonen van berouw maak je goed wat tussen jou en Allah is, maar de schuld naar de armen en behoeftigen blijft staan.
Wie niet exact weet wat zijn inkomsten waren, maakt een schatting totdat hij het gevoel heeft dat hij over al zijn voorgaande inkomsten zakaat heeft betaald (uiteraard de voorwaarden in het vorige bericht in acht nemende). Allah belast een persoon niet boven zijn vermogen.
Beste broeders en zusters
De zakaat is een onlosmakelijk onderdeel van ons geloof, net zoals het gebed en het vasten dat is. De gelovige is blij wanneer het jaarlijkse tijdstip van het uitgeven van zijn zakaat aanbreekt, omdat hij dan zijn arme en behoeftige broeders en zusters blij kan maken met een klein deel van zijn geld.
Nu het – hopelijk – duidelijk is geworden hoe de zakaat wordt berekend en wie de rechthebbenden zijn, rest nu nog alleen het handelen naar deze kennis.
The extremist settler deliberately targeted the family car in October 2018 in the occupied West Bank in an anti-Arab attack ‘as part of an act of terror’
The Israeli settler who stoned Palestinian mother to death less than two years ago has been allowed to return to the occupied West Bank settlement where he lives
Forty-seven-year-old mother of eight, Aisha Al-Rabi, was killed in 2018 after being hit on the side of her head by a rock which was hurled by Jewish settlers through the windshield of the car in which she was travelling.
The rock-throwing attack by the 16-year-old Jewish Israeli, who cannot be named due to a court-imposed gag order, and four others took place at Za’atara Junction, south of Nablus in the occupied West Bank, as Aisha and her husband Yaqoub Al-Rabi were driving past an illegal settlement, causing Al-Rabi to lose control of their car.
According to the indictment, the suspect deliberately targeted the family car in October 2018 in the occupied West Bank in an anti-Arab attack “as part of an act of terror”.
The suspect “held a rock weighing close to two kilograms, with the intention of using it to harm Arab passengers, out of an ideological motive of racism and hostility toward Arabs everywhere”, the indictment states.
Although Israeli law allows for the jailing of minors convicted of serious crimes, the law is used discriminately to jail Palestinian children, while Israelis are allowed to walk free – even if they pose a threat to innocent Palestinians.
Moreover, the suspect will be allowed to return to the West Bank settlement he lives in despite objections by state prosecutors. According to Haaretz, prosecutors feared the suspect’s potential “link up with extremist elements”.
Earlier this year, the murder of Aisha was recognised as a terror attack by the Israeli authorities, but they did not acknowledge her as a victim of terrorism.
Minister of Health Mai Alkaila confirmed today two more cases of the novel coronavirus (COVID-19) in Jerusalem, which brings up the total number of confirmed cases in the Palestine to 522.
Speaking during the daily briefing on the coronavirus pandemic in Ramallah, Alkaila said the two cases were in the occupied Jerusalem neighborhood of al-Tour. She added that three recoveries were recorded in the occupied city, raising the total cases to 106.
Since the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic in Palestine, the total number of active cases has reached 412, and that all the cases are in a stable condition.
Meanwhile, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates said in its daily report of the COVID-19 (coronavirus) pandemic among Palestinians in the diaspora that 1266 Palestinians abroad have tested positive for the disease, including 508 recoveries.
The ministry said two Palestinians died from the disease in the United States during the past 24 hours, bringing up the number in the US to 44 and the total worldwide to 67.