According to WAFA, at least two Palestinians were killed, and more than 37 others injured today by live bullets or rubber-coated rounds. Israeli forces attacked the thousands of protesters taking part in the weekly Great March of Return at Gaza-Israel border, according to medical sources.
Soldiers guarding the separation fence fired live bullets and rubber-coated steel rounds at the protesters who gathered at many encampments along the border, killing Ali Sami Ashqar, 17, and another man who was not yet identified. At least 37 protesters were also injured by live bullets, including two medics and a photojournalist.
Some of the wounded were moved to hospital and many others were treated in the field hospitals.
According to the Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR), Israeli forces have killed 210 Palestinian civilians since the outbreak of the Great March of Return protest on March 30, 2018. In addition, nearly 14,000 Palestinians have been injured, some severely, while exercising their right to peacefully protest the siege on Gaza The weekly protests call for lifting the Israeli blockade of the Gaza Strip and for the return of the Palestinian refugees to their ancestral homes in pre-1948 Palestine.
The news of the Saudi authorities arresting about 60 Jordanian and Palestinian citizens without charge or trial has been leaked. There has been no news about them for months after their arrest under strange circumstances. The authorities then allowed some families to visit their detained relatives, while at other times, the authorities allowed the detainees to speak to their families on the phone for times ranging between five and 20 minutes, sometimes more. The authorities suddenly decided to cut them off completely from their families and banned phone calls. The prisoners, or “hostages” disappeared behind the complete silence of the authorities, who did not give any explanations or news.
We can say whatever we like about the conditions of arrest or detention, but we are talking about a country without laws or a constitution. They have temporary instructions that change verbally or in writing, and the entire matter is depends on the mood of “his royal highness”, who controls the lives of people based on his whims and what serves his dream of becoming king. On the path to becoming king, he had no problem dismembering Jamal Khashoggi with a chainsaw and dissolving his body in acid or burning it.
It was also okay to seal any mouth that uttered a word not to his liking with red wax and throw them in the basement of a forgotten prison. He also allowed himself to do everything his masters have ordered him to do, even if it leads to tearing apart every one of the kingdom’s constants; values, morals and tradition, and unleashing his e-army, known as his electronic flies, to glorify the crimes of the Israeli occupation, flatter Netanyahu, and curse Palestine and its people. All that matters is that he pleases his masters and they pave the way for him to his throne of absolute power.
There are now 60 others like Jamal Khashoggi who are in the grips of an unknown fate. Their families do not know anything about them. Their fates are in the hands of one person. If he is silent, then everyone is silent, and if they dare to ask about their relatives, they are given any excuse. There are no laws to deter them or regulations guaranteeing one’s life. For example, it is possible that before I finish writing this article, something can happen without any explanation or clarification. The fear that grips the families of the detainees is beyond words. The families of the Jordanian detainees rushed to their government and urged them to rescue their relatives, but it was in vain. There has been no real response to them, not even an official statement made by the Jordanian government. The constant response they receive when they ask about their family members is: “We are following up on the matter with the concerned authorities.” However, the truth is that there is no such action being taken, they only know what these “concerned authorities”, tell them, if they tell them anything at all.
The same can be said about the Jordanian House of Representatives, the Jordanian Journalists Syndicate, and the union and parties council. They said nothing. It is as if Al Saud swallowed everyone’s tongue. With the exception of leaks, sporadic news and disjointed tweets here and there, and a few words from some human rights organisations, no one has dared to talk. Not even Hamas has spoken about the matter, after Al Saudi accused the detainees of being affiliated with the Palestinian group. It has said nothing on the matter for reasons only it knows.
As for the Palestinian prisoners from Gaza, no one has defended them and the Gaza authority is weaker than the Jordanian government in this regard and the Palestinian Authority in Ramallah may have cooperated with the Al Saud authorities in the matter.
The prisoners have been detained for about six months and there doesn’t seem to be even a glimmer of hope for their release. The accusation directed against many of them is that they possess ideas supporting the resistance and some work in charities which support the Palestinians living under occupation and abroad. Some of the prisoners are old in age and most of them have illnesses that require treatment and medical attention.
On the official level, no news was reported from the Saudi government, admitting their detention, except for what was leaked to the Jordanian Embassy in Saudi Arabia. The media specifically does not know what the Al Saud government is telling the Jordanian government.
I do not know if these individuals have links with Hamas, but I am certain that all or at least most of the detainees have honourable nationalist positions regarding resistance and they sympathise with it. This is a public matter and the Al Saud government has known about it for years. Some of these detainees’ work for Palestine was carried out with the support and knowledge of the government. Thye did not do anything that threatens the security of the country they live in. despite this, they are facing a scary fate, and have disappeared behind bars for so long, with an unknown fate, and almost no one is calling for their release in a serious manner.
This is an issue of public opinion, freedoms and vulnerable detainees who need the support of every authority or pen. They need to stand up to the chainsaw gang. It is not difficult for those who killed Jamal Khashoggi in such a horrendous way, with impunity, to repeat the crime – perhaps more professionally this time.
The 60 individuals imprisoned today may be Hamas hostages in the Al Saud prisons, but they are also people who deserve every effort and support to rescue them from the death sentences issued by murderous “sheikhs” on the orders of his royal highness.
This is all carried out with international and perhaps Arab support from the gang that controls the world and see nothing wrong with attacking people to put them in their place.
Palestinian prisoner Huthaifa Halabiya has ended his hunger strike after 67 days
A Palestinian prisoner detained by Israeli occupation authorities without charge or trial has ended a hunger strike after 67 days, reported prisoners’ rights’ group Addameer.
According to Addameer, Huthaifa Halabiya stopped his hunger strike yesterday “after a serious deterioration in his health”, at the same as refusing “the proposal given by the Israeli intelligence department to extend his detention for another two months”.
Since starting his hunger strike on 1 July, Huthaifa only took water “and refused to undertake any medical tests during this period”.
In recent weeks, Addameer reported, Huthaifa’s health deteriorated with the onset of “spasm attacks and seizures”, in addition to the weakening of his sight and hearing.
On Wednesday, a medical committee decided to use forced treatment, in case Huthaifa went into a coma. On the same day, the Israeli Supreme Court “looked into the appeal made by Huthaifa’s lawyer against his administrative detention order”.
During this session, the Israeli military prosecution and intelligence department were determined to renew Huthaifa’s administrative detention order for another two months, ending 7 December. The court’s ruling has not yet been published.
Addameer expressed its support for Huthaifa’s decision to stop his strike, and said it holds Israeli occupation authorities fully responsible for Huthaifa’s life and “any other side-effects” he may suffer from as a consequence of his hunger strike.
The group also slammed the wider administrative detention policy as implemented by Israeli occupation forces, which it described as a violation of international law and “a war crime”.
Israeli forces stopped a human rights researcher at a checkpoint under suspicion of ‘incitement’
Israeli occupation forces stopped a human rights researcher at a checkpoint under suspicion of “incitement”, it has been revealed.
According to Israeli rights group B’Tselem, field researcher Nasser Nawaj’ah was stopped by Israeli soldiers on 4 August, at a military checkpoint near the Palestinian village of Khirbet Susiya, in the South Hebron Hills region of the occupied West Bank.
The soldiers stopped Nawaj’ah only “when they saw he had B’Tselem reports in his car”.
Preventing the researcher from leaving, “one of the soldiers at the checkpoint claimed that they had to obtain confirmation that the reports do not constitute incitement material.”
According to B’Tselem, about ten minutes later, “after the soldiers consulted with their superiors”, Nawaj’ah was allowed to go.
Israeli occupation forces often intimidate, arrest, or even attack, Palestinian human rights activists, as well as Israeli observers who seek to protect residents from violence by settlers and soldiers.
B’Tselem has also been the target of high-level political intimidation by senior government ministers, as part of a deteriorating atmosphere for human rights groups and anti-occupation campaigners.
Gaza (QNN)- A group of Palestinian archaeologists in Gaza started a project to restore historical manuscripts, some of which are over 800 years old, which have been partially destroyed by environmental factors and wars.
The manuscripts refute the lies of Zionism and the occupation state, which claim that Palestine was an empty desert and that the colonizers came to build it. The manuscripts include old poems, which describe Palestine and its nature and villages.
Hani Abu Sharkh and six other archaeologists have started their project, which they called “preserving manuscripts of Al Omari mosque library”, over six months ago.
Abu Sharkh told QNN that all manuscripts are in very bad condition and it was written using sustainable materials, which make it very hard to restore them.
This is the first project of its kind in Gaza. Abu Sharkh said that the group had a special training course, which qualifies them of dealing with historical manuscripts.
The group is working on 188 Arabic manuscripts, the oldest of which dates back to the 14th century. They include manuscripts on religion, literature, rhetoric, Arabic grammar, astronomy, history, geography, poetry, and astrology in addition to important pieces, which describe Palestine and its cities and people, which could be deemed as a documentation of Palestine’s life in the past.
The group told QNN that they face many problems during their work, as the occupation state refuses to allow important tools, which they need to use, to the Gaza strip.
The group has completed restoring 200 manuscripts, which include 20,000 pages, and they are working on providing online copies of them so that they can be available for researchers worldwide.
One of the settlement projects is paving a road only for settlers that would consume hundreds of Palestinian agricultural land
Israeli occupation authorities issued three military orders to confiscate Palestinian land in West Bank governorate of Bethlehem to use for settlement expansion.
The head of the Committee Against the Wall and Settlements in Bethlehem, Hassan Bureijia, said that the first military order is related to Palestinian lands in the area of Al-Makhrour in the city of Beit Jala.
He stated that the land is owned by the Palestinian people in Beit Jala and Al-Khader neighbourhood.
This agricultural land, estimated to be hundreds of dunams in size, is to be used, Bureijia said, to expand settlement road number 60, which connects Jerusalem with the settlement bloc of Gush Etzion.
Bureijia said that the other military order related to lands in Al-Rashaydeh neighbourhood east of Bethlehem.
He said that this land is to be used for the expansion of the illegal settlement of Maali Amos.
The third military order, Bureijia said, is related to Palestinian lands in the village of Taqu in the south of Bethlehem and it is to be used for the expansion of the settlements of Nikudim.
Bethlehem cities, villages and neighbourhoods have been subject to increasing Israeli theft of land in favour of expanding illegal Israeli settlement projects.
At least two Palestinians were killed and over 38 others injured today by live bullets or rubber-coated rounds as Israeli forces attacked thousands of protesters taking part in the weekly Great March of Return at Gaza-Israel border, according to medical sources.
Israeli forces fired live bullets and rubber-coated steel rounds at the protesters who gathered at many encampments along the border, killing Ali Sami Ashqar, 17, and Khaled Al-Rabei, 14. At least 38 protesters were also injured by live bullets, including two medics and a photojournalist.
The Ministry of Health reported that The Israeli occupation forces killed two Palestinian protesters and shoot 66 , 38 of them with live ammunition, in the 73th Friday of (GMRBS). The first marytr is “Ali Sami Ali Alshqar” 17 years old , and Khaled Al-Rabei 14 years old.
Some of the wounded were moved to hospital and many others were treated in the field hospitals.
Over 310 Palestinians have been killed and more than 30.000 others injured by Israeli forces since the outbreak of the Great March of Return protests at Gaza border on March 30, 2018.
The weekly protests call for lifting the Israeli blockade of the Gaza Strip and for the return of the Palestinian refugees to their ancestral homes in pre-1948 Palestine.
Aanstaande maandag, 9 september, is het ‘Ashura: de tiende dag van de islamitische maand Muharram. Het is sterk aanbevolen om deze dag te vasten. De profeet vrede zij met hem zei over de verdienste van het vasten van ‘Ashura:
“Met het vasten op de dag van ‘Ashura hoop ik dat Allah (de kleine zonden van) het voorgaande jaar kwijtscheldt.” [Hadith in Sahih Muslim]
Het is aanbevolen om samen met ‘Ashura een dag ervoor of erna te vasten. Het beste is een dag ervoor, oftewel overmorgen: zondag 8 september.
Verder is het aanbevolen voor wie daartoe in staat is om ook veel andere dagen van de maand Muharram te vasten. De profeet vrede zij met hem zei:
“Het beste vasten na Ramadan, is het vasten van de maand van Allah: Muharram.” [Hadith in Sahih Muslim]
Beste broeders en zusters
Vast deze twee dagen en spoor de mensen om jou heen aan om te vasten. Hopend op de vergiffenis van Allah en in navolging van de Sunnah van onze nobele profeet Muhammad vrede zij met hem.
A view of construction works in Ramot, a Jewish settlement in East Jerusalem on 4 October 2018
Earlier this month, the High Planning Committee (HPC) of the Israeli Civil Administration authorised the construction of 2,304 new settlement units, just days after the approval of another 6,000 units in the occupied West Bank. These alarming developments are nothing if not predictable to those following recent events in the region, and the sordid course of US President Donald Trump’s “Deal of the Century”. With Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu pledging during Israel’s April General Election campaign to annex settlements; US Ambassador to Israel David Friedman giving an approving nod to such a move; the US defunding of UNRWA and unilateral recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital; and with Senior US Advisor Jared Kushner declining to speak of a “two state solution”, the stage is almost set for the worst-case scenario. The inexorable march towards annexation is winding down to its last few strides.
In principle, liberals and centrists tend to oppose annexation, as it would sound the death knell for the two-state solution that they’ve always maintained optimistically is just around the corner. However, despite these developments, “moderates” in the US Democratic Party (and even some “progressives”) have instead rallied around a bipartisan resolution decrying the Boycott Divestment and Sanctions movement as “…destructive of prospects for progress towards peace.” BDS presumably hampers peace more than the demolition of 70 Palestinian homes that occurred the day before the vote on that resolution in Washington. This latest assault on Palestinian solidarity is entirely consistent with the general “moderate” position: call for Palestinian rights, then obstruct anything that might achieve them.
How do moderates pull off the delicate balance between empathy and enmity to Palestinians? The go to move is to recruit “nuance” as a means of deflection. The blockade of Gaza and seasonal massacres have caused unthinkable suffering to 2 million Palestinians, but what about Hamas rockets? The matrix of control in the West Bank has brought daily human rights violations, crippled the Palestinian economy and denied Palestinians the right to self-determination for decades, but what about the stabbings and terror attacks? After all, Israel-Palestine is “complex”, and moderates protest loudest when an attempt is made to extract something substantive from that complexity. The obvious asymmetry in power and suffering holds no weight on any occasion that the moderate can point to grievances that Israelis might also have, even if those grievances spring directly from the brutalising effects of their country’s apartheid. Hence, in each dimension of the conflict, moderates can conjure some justification (however tenuous) for imagining that the situation is not “black and white” and there is “wrong on both sides”. And if Israel is not responsible for 100 per cent of the injustice in the region, why should they be the sole target of boycotts? Nice, neat, simple.
But there is one dimension where moderates are at a loss: Israel’s illegal settlements. Unlike other Israeli violations of international law, settlements can’t be explained away by vague “security concerns”. Even the most gullible centrist won’t buy the claim that transferring Israeli Jews into the heart of occupied Palestinian land somehow increases their level of security. Nor can moderates countenance Netanyahu’s use of settlements as collective punishment for individual acts of Palestinian violence. Settlements are patently illegal, give rise to the overtly racist “Jew-only” roads, and structure the labyrinth of military checkpoints and roadblocks that Palestinians must navigate daily. The presence of 132 settlements, 113 outposts and 622,000 settlers has made those still speaking of a contiguous and viable Palestinian state, look increasingly out of touch.
There is no semi-plausible “nuance” to find with settlements and so moderates will happily condemn them with no ifs and buts. What they won’t do (or won’t do convincingly), though, is question why they’re being built in the first place and whether it has anything to do with Zionism.
Zionism, like many ideologies, is a disputed term. Zionists will often claim the term simply represents the belief that Jews have the right to self-determination in their historic homeland. Moderates are mostly content to accept this at face value and won’t probe much further. Anti-Zionists and BDS supporters typically identify Zionism with settler-colonialism, an ideology seeking to capture “as much of Palestine, with as few Palestinians there as possible”. We’re at an impasse then. Whether we believe Zionism is a benign nationalism or a dispossessing colonialism should depend on which definition more lucidly brings out the features of Israeli policy and political culture. The settler-colonialism framework accounts for the violent subjugation of indigenous resistance; the second-class citizen status of Palestinians in Israel; the stubborn persistence of the occupation; the historic and ongoing displacement of Palestinians; the aggression towards neighbouring states; and, crucially, the settlement project. By diminishing or distorting them, the “benign nationalism” view can give alternative accounts for most of these aspects of Israeli policy, and the remaining unsavoury elements can be attributed lazily to a right-wing, militaristic government.
However, “benign nationalism” has nothing to say about settlements. It can’t explain why the settlement project began under a Labour government and has continued ever since, regardless of which party or coalition has been in power. It can’t explain why Israel is willing to risk the consternation of the international community and its closest allies to keep subsidising a war crime. It can’t explain why the building of Jew-only settlements was enshrined as a national value in the Nation-State Law. It can’t explain why the homes of Palestinians in Wadi Hummus have been demolished, despite having legitimate building permits issued by the Palestinian Authority, and in breach of previous agreements. It can’t explain why illegally built settlement homes (even by Israel’s dismal standards) are ignored and legalised retroactively, or why Israel now refuses to freeze settlement-building as part of the “peace process”. This unwavering commitment to settlement building coheres perfectly with the settler-colonialism understanding of Zionism, and it has no place whatsoever in the benign nationalism view. Even if moderates insist on an ahistorical analysis of Israel-Palestine, forgetting the Nakba and the clear colonial context in which Zionism emerged, the pieces are all there to put together.
BDS supporters do not want moderates to condemn settlements, they want them to contextualise them. If the settler-colonialism view provides a fuller analysis of the settlements, then it will also prove to be better in understanding all the other dimensions of the conflict. The shameless essentialising and false equivalences that obscure the true nature of the conflict will quickly ring hollow, and observers can understand why the world’s longest ongoing occupation is the world’s longest ongoing occupation. They can understand that every peace initiative till now has stalled, not due to Palestinian intransigence – as if occupied peoples have any interest in forever deferring their liberation – but so the process of creeping annexation can continue. And in this view, we can say that the party that holds all of the cards and bears almost none of the costs, is the legitimate target for boycott. When moderates stop admiring their own talents for finding nuance and look more seriously at the issues, a path towards justice reveals itself.