Prisoners can be seen through barbed wires from an Israeli prison
Head of the PLO’s Prisoners Commission Qadri Abu Bakr said yesterday that the situation inside Israeli prisons is deteriorating rapidly due to the punishing measures being carried out by the Israeli Special Forces, Anadolu Agency reported.
Speaking to the Turkish news site, Abu Bakr said that six prisoners have been on hunger strike in protest against their continued administrative detention. About 40 other prisoners have also launched a hunger strike in support of them.
Six prisoners joined the hunger strike on Tuesday in protest against the punishing measures carried out by the Israeli Special Forces in Ofer Prison, west of Ramallah.
The Safa news agency reported that a meeting held between the Israeli Prison Service and representatives of the prisoners in Ofer Prison failed because the occupation authorities refused to lift the sanctions imposed on the prisoners.
On Thursday, several Israeli army vehicles, accompanied by personnel of the “Civil Administration Office,” the executive branch of Israel’s illegal military occupation, invaded Beit Awwa town, west of Hebron, in the southern part of the occupied West Bank, and delivered orders for the demolition of four Palestinian homes and an industrial structure.
Abdul-Karim Masalma, the mayor of Beit Awwa, said the soldiers invaded Khallet al-Fool area in the town, and delivered the demolition orders to Ali Ahmad Sweity, Tha’er Abdul-Hadi Abu Ghalia, Hasan Abdul-Fattah Sweity and Mohammad Aref Mousa Sweity.
He added that the soldiers also handed Wisam Abdul-Aziz Sweity a demolition order targeting his industrial structure.
The Israeli army is claiming that the buildings were constructed without a permit from the Civil Administration Office.
The buildings are within the structural plan of the town, and therefore, are under Local Counsil’s jurisdiction and were licensed by it.
Abdul-Karim called on various international legal and human rights groups to intervene and stop the seriously escalating Israeli violations and their property in the occupied West Bank, including occupied East Jerusalem.
In related news, the soldiers invaded the ar-Ras al-Ahmar area in the West Bank’s Northern Plains, and confiscated a tractor, owned by Ahmad Thiab Abu Kheizaran. The confiscation comes days after the army took several cars, trucks and agricultural tractors of the locals in the same area.
Many Israeli soldiers and police officers invaded, Thursday, a Palestinian home in the al-‘Isawiya town, in occupied East Jerusalem, after destroying the main door of the property, and abducted a child in front of his brothers.
Mohammad Abu al-Hummus, a member of the Follow-up Committee in al-‘Isawiya, said the soldiers used tools to damage the front door of a home, owned by Wa’el Abu Hadwan al-Fakhouri, and invaded it, causing severe anxiety attacks among seven children, who were alone in the property without their parents.
The children were trying to open the heavy door for the soldiers to enter the property without causing damage, but the army went ahead and destroyed it.
The soldiers then abducted Saleh al-Fakhouri, 13, after placing him in a car driven by undercover officers.
Razan al-Jo’ba, a lawyer of Wadi Hilweh Information Center in Silwan (Silwanic), said the soldiers abducted the child, and took him to the police in Salaheddin Street, in Jerusalem, after accusing him of throwing stones at army jeeps.
It is worth mentioning that the soldiers frequently invade the home and stores, owned by the family, and conduct very violent searches, in addition to imposing fines.
The family owns their home, stores and lands in the area since the year 1954, before Israel occupied East Jerusalem in 1967, but are facing constant invasions, violent searches and attempts to confiscate their property and force them out.
KASHMIR, PALESTINOW.COM — Delivered on a bright Monday morning, Imaad Tariq was one of the first babies born into Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Naya Kashmir or new Kashmir. But most of his family has no idea he has been born. “Nobody knows that my wife delivered a baby boy,” says Tariq Ahmad Sheikh, 40, walking in the hospital courtyard the day after his son was born. “We couldn’t inform family nor is anyone able to reach here.”
Since Sunday, Delhi has entirely shut down the Internet, landline and mobile networks in the India-controlled part of the Himalayan region of Kashmir — leaving some 7 million people stranded without any way to contact family and friends. In an unprecedented bid to clamp down on its part of the disputed territory, the Indian government has closed schools, banned public meetings, and barricaded roads and neighborhoods in Srinagar, the region’s largest city that lies in the Kashmir Valley.
With the help of over 38,000 additional troops dispatched to Kashmir over the past week, authorities have arrested more than 100 people, including political leaders and activists considered a threat to peace in the Valley. Meanwhile, police confirmed Wednesday that a young protester died after jumping into a river while being chased by police during a curfew in Srinagar.
But few Kashmiris will know about that. Many of them will not even know that on Monday morning, Indian Home Minister Amit Shah announced to Parliament that the Indian government would strip their state of the special status that it held under the Indian Constitution for the last 70 years.
Revoking Article 370, which gave near-autonomy to the Muslim-majority state of Jammu and Kashmir, had long been a campaign pledge of Modi’s Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which won a second term in a landslide victory in May. Shah also introduced a plan to break up the current state into two separate Union Territories, giving the Delhi government far more control over both. (A part of the Kashmir region remains with Pakistan, which claims the whole, and which has fought three wars with India over it since 1947.)
“My son was born a few minutes after I heard Article 370 was revoked,” says Sheikh, 40, who drives an auto-rickshaw in Srinagar. He and his wife came to the hospital earlier, hearing rumors of an impending curfew. Like many Kashmiris, they were surprised to see the administration preparing for a war-like situation, with various emergency orders, including calling all tourists and non-natives to “leave as soon as possible.”
Just hours before the rollback of Kashmir’s autonomy was announced to the world, we Kashmiris woke up to find our Internet cut off for the 53rd time this year, as well as the suspension of all cellular services and landline telephones. People remain cut off from their families, and journalists have no channels of communication to report through. The online homepage of Kashmir’s largest local paper is blank and the website of our own magazine has been offline since Monday. Many journalists like me have had to send out work on thumb drives with passengers flying out of the area by airplane. Only a small group of people using satellite dish networks have access to TV news channels. Speaker mounted vehicles are making announcements warning people not to venture out. There is no way to know or confirm if the situation has remained peaceful. Amid no communication, anxiety fills the air in the Valley.
The only way to get an idea of the situation is to visit hospitals. During the day, the Shri Maharaja Hari Singh (SMHS) hospital in Srinagar was inaccessible to journalists, but at midnight on Tuesday I went to visit. As I stepped into the Ophthalmology ward, I saw five young men who had been hit by pellets, as hospital attendants fanned their bandaged faces.Government officials have denied using pellet guns this week, but pellet guns are common in Kashmir. (The state government said between July 2016 and February 2017, at least 6,221 people were injured by pellet guns, including 782 eye injuries; Amnesty International puts the figures even higher.)
“I am his neighbor and picked him up from outside his home when he was injured,” said a man, without giving his name, in his 30s, with one 17-year-old patient. “He was hit by pellets in both eyes and the doctors are observing his condition before operating. He says that he can’t see from his left eye also.” Attendants in the hospital said more than a dozen young people came in that day with injuries, including some with tear gas inhalation.
Healthcare availability for civilians is disrupted, with limited access to ambulances or any ability to call one. On the roads, there are barricades after every few hundred meters. An hour after leaving the hospital, I saw a teenage girl sitting next to her mother in a load carrier vehicle, with a drip needle pierced into her hand. “My daughter complained of pain in her appendix,” said her mother, who said she could not get an ambulance in the town of Pampore, 10 miles from Srinagar. “We left in the load carrier and were stopped at more than seven barricades.”
Kashmiris have long been in a precarious situation, with the economy here already suffering from the ongoing crisis. Jammu and Kashmir has one of the country’s highest unemployment rates. But now, many are worried about the situation spiraling into a bigger conflict.
The repeal of Article 370 and Article 35A marks an unprecedented end to constitutional rights guaranteed for decades. Together, the Articles were the umbilical cord between Kashmir and India — giving Kashmir its own flag, laws and state parliament, and also prohibiting non-residents from owning any property in the region.
Now the Indian part of Kashmir has been divided, disempowered, and degraded. Such a unilateral move from Delhi also undermines pro-Indian political parties in the region, which had been strengthening Indian control over Kashmir for decades. Kashmiri historian Siddiq Wahid, who studied at Harvard and is now the Vice-Chancellor at the Islamic University of Science & Technology, says India has clearly ignored its own laws and overlooked what Kashmiris want.
Speaking at his home on the outskirts of Srinagar, Wahid tells me that the move will ultimately lead to a deep centralization of power in Delhi and a removal of sovereignty from the people themselves. This “concentration of power in the hands of a few will have implications as a precedent for all of India’s states, in a so-called democratic republic,” Wahid says. “There will be a surge in militancy and state violence. They are forbidding protests, but the ultimate aim is to change demography.”
When Arhan Nazir heard about the repeal of Article 370 at his home in downtown Srinagar, he says he went into “shock.” “It is a physical pain,” says the 25-year-old, who works as a Technical Advisor at Jamkash Automobiles in Srinagar. “They should have consulted mainstream politicians first.”
He says his 18-month-old daughter Zaira Nazir contracted an eye infection on Monday night because of tear gas shell smoke, fired to quell protests. “We took her to the SMHS hospital at night, where she was treated. A few other children had to face the same fate,” he adds, sounding defeated.
Nazir’s view is that India should have consulted the local mainstream or pro-India politicians. But instead two former chief ministers of Kashmir — Omar Abdullah and Mehbooba Mufti, who was also previously in government with the BJP — were arrested along with a few other politicians to curb their dissent. Mufti and Abdullah come from two families who have been the representatives of the Indian government, urging people to vote during elections and promising the safety of the special status.
Since Monday, hordes of people have been leaving Kashmir. Many people working here were temporary residents, including thousands of skilled workers and labourers from several parts of India. Now, these workers are walking several miles to reach the Tourist Reception Center (TRC) in Srinagar. “It has been two days, we are waiting here, joining the queue but we don’t get a ticket,” says Lalan, 60, who comes from the state of Bihar and has been working as a laborer in Kashmir for the last 10 years.
“We are leaving because of the situation here. I wasn’t told to leave by anyone but there is a threat after this happened. Before this we had never felt scared but now it is not easy. People say there will be a huge crisis. We don’t have anything to work on now.”
With the dawn of another day and deployment of paramilitary forces to enforce the restrictions, many Kashmiris are finding their identities under threat. Others are fearing for their lives, worrying about an impending surge in violent clashes. For many of us, all we feel is a sheer helplessness, as if a limb has been torn off — an act that has not only reshaped Kashmir’s history and future, but also given Pakistan and China potential cause to ramp up future clashes between Kashmiris and Indian government.
What is the future for newborn Imaad Tariq? It’s the question his father is asking, as are hundreds of thousands of other Kashmiris.
GAZA, PALESTINOW.COM — Palestinian journalists covering the weekly protests against the decades-long Israeli occupation are complaining of being the target of Israeli snipers stationed along the border of the blockaded territory.
Since the protests began in March of last year, two journalists have been shot dead and dozens injured by Israeli gunfire near Gaza-Israel buffer zone.
Last week, two journalists were shot injured as they were covering protests against the Israeli occupation, according to the Journalist Support Committee (JSC) in Palestine.
Osama Al-Kahlout, a photojournalist, was shot in the leg with a live bullet while Hatem Omar, working for China’s Xinhua news agency, was injured by a rubber bullet.
“No one has immunity along Gaza border,” Al-Kahlout, 33, who was shot east of al-Bureij refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip, told Anadolu Agency.
“The [Israeli] occupation forces target journalists, paramedics, citizens and even the handicapped,” he said. “Everyone is within the target of Israeli snipers.”
Al-Kahlout said he had received a phone call from an unknown number before being shot in the leg.
The photojournalist believes that “the call was from the Israeli army so that he could be accurately located and targeted directly”.
He confirmed that he was wearing a shield bearing a press badge and was working in an area relatively far from the demonstrators.
According to al-Kahlout, four journalists had previously been injured while covering the weekly protests in the same area where he was shot east of al-Bureij refugee camp.
“Israeli forces target journalists in an attempt to prevent them from exposing their crimes and violations against peaceful protesters to the world,” he said.
Xinhua news agency’s Omar was also shot by a rubber bullet while covering demonstrations east of Khan Younis city in the southern Gaza Strip.
“I was shot by two rubber bullets in both legs, although I was wearing a press shield and working in an area far from the demonstrators,” Omar told Anadolu Agency.
Accusing the Israeli army of internationally targeting journalists in Gaza, Omar said: “In many incidents, groups of journalists were targeted by teargas or bullets while working in areas away from the demonstrators.”
Ahmed Ghanem, a correspondent for Al-Mayadin television, said the Israeli army targets journalists “to prevent them from carrying out their duty”.
“Palestinian journalists have proven their strength and ability to expose the crimes of the occupation and to convey the message of the Palestinian people in Gaza to the world,” he said. “This disturbs Israel and embarrasses it before the international community.”
Hit himself by an Israeli gas shell while covering the demonstrations in January, Ghanem called on human rights organizations to “provide protection to Palestinian journalists from the ongoing Israeli attacks”.
Tahseen al-Astal, vice president of the Palestinian Journalists Syndicate, said his organization was preparing “legal files on Israeli violations against journalists, to be lodged with international courts to prosecute Israeli leaders”.
He said the Journalists Syndicate has sent letters to the International Federation of Journalists, the Union of Arab Journalists, and the UNESCO “to brief them on Israeli violations against journalists”.
According to Salama Maarouf, a government spokesman in Gaza, around 360 journalists have been injured by Israeli army fire since the Gaza rallies began in March 2018.
Demonstrators demand an end to Israel’s 12-year blockade of the Gaza Strip, which has shattered the coastal enclave’s economy and deprived its two million inhabitants of many basic amenities.
Since the Gaza rallies began last year, nearly 270 protesters have been martyred — and thousands more wounded — by Israeli troops deployed near the buffer zone.
On 29 July, 4-year-old Muhammad Rabi’ Elayyan was reportedly summoned for interrogation by the Israeli police in occupied Jerusalem. The news, originally reported by the official Palestinian news agency, WAFA, was later denied by the Israeli police, more than likely in an attempt to lessen the impact of the PR disaster that followed.
The Israelis are not denying the story in its entirety, but are rather arguing that it was not the boy, Muhammad, who was summoned, but his father. It was Rabi’ Elayyan, they claim, who was called into the Israeli police station in Salah Eddin Street in Jerusalem to be questioned regarding his son’s actions.
The child was accused of hurling a stone at Israeli occupation soldiers in the Issawiyeh neighbourhood, which is a constant target for Israeli violence. The neighbourhood has also been the tragic location of house demolitions under the pretext that Palestinians there are building without permits. Of course, the vast majority of Palestinian applications for such permits to build in Issawiyeh, or anywhere else in Jerusalem, are denied routinely, while Jewish settlers are allowed to build on stolen Palestinian land unhindered.
As such, Issawiyeh is no stranger to the ridiculous and unlawful behaviour of the Israeli army. On 6 July, for example, a mother from the beleaguered neighbourhood was arrested in order to put pressure on her teenage son, Mahmoud Ebeid, to turn himself in. The mother “was taken by Israeli police as a bargaining chip,” Mondoweiss reported, quoting the Jerusalem-based Wadi Hileh Information Centre.
The Israeli authorities are justified in feeling embarrassed by the whole episode concerning the 4-year-old boy, thus the attempt to poke holes in the story. The fact is, though, that WAFA’s correspondent in Jerusalem had, indeed, verified that the warrant was in Muhammad’s, not Rabi’s, name.
While some news sources bought into the Israeli propaganda, and readily conveyed the cries of “fake news”, one must bear in mind that this was hardly a one-off incident. For Palestinians, such news about the detention, beating and killing of their children has been one of the most consistent features of the Israeli occupation since 1967.
Just one day after Muhammad was summoned, the Israeli authorities also interrogated the father of a 6-year-old child, Qais Firas Obaid, from the same neighbourhood of Issawiyeh. This particular boy was accused of throwing a juice carton at Israeli soldiers.
“According to local sources in Issawiyeh the [Israeli] military sent Qais’s family an official summons to come to the interrogation centre in Jerusalem on Wednesday [31 July] at 8 am,” reported the International Middle East Media Centre (IMEMC). In one photo, the little boy is holding the Israeli military order written in Hebrew up to the camera.
The stories of Muhammad and Qais are the norm, not the exception. According to the prisoners’ advocacy group, Addameer, there are currently 250 Palestinian children being held in Israel’s prisons. Approximately 700 Palestinian children are taken through the Israeli military court system every single year. “The most common charge levied against children is throwing stones,” reports Addameer, “a crime that is punishable under military law by up to 20 years in prison.”
That is why Israel has every right to be embarrassed. Since the start of the Second Intifada in 2000, some 12,000 Palestinian children have been detained and interrogated by the Israeli army.
Moreover, it is not only children and their families who are targeted by the Israeli military, but also those who advocate on their behalf. Just last week, on 30 July, Palestinian lawyer Tariq Barghouth was sentenced to 13 years in prison by an Israeli military court for “firing at Israeli buses and at security forces on a number of occasions.”
As unlikely as the accusation of a well-known lawyer firing at “buses” may sound, it is important to note that Barghouth is well-regarded for his defence of Palestinian children in court. He has also been a headache for the Israeli military court system for his strong defence of Ahmad Manasra. The then 13-year-old boy was tried and indicted in Israeli military court for allegedly stabbing and wounding two Israelis near the illegal Jewish settlement of Pisgat Ze’ev in Occupied Jerusalem in 2015. Manasra’s cousin, Hassan, 15 was killed on the spot, while the wounded Ahmad was tried in court as an adult. It was Barghouth who challenged and denounced the Israeli court for the harsh interrogation and for secretly filming the wounded child as he was tied to his hospital bed.
On 2 August 2016, Israel passed a law that allows the authorities to “imprison a minor convicted of serious crimes such as murder, attempted murder or manslaughter even if he or she is under the age of 14.” The law was crafted conveniently to deal with cases like that of Ahmad Manasra, who was sentenced on 7 November the same year, three months after the law was approved, to 12 years in prison.
Manasra’s case, the leaked videos of his abuse by Israeli interrogators and his harsh sentence placed more international focus on the plight of Palestinian children in the Israeli military court system. “Israeli interrogators are seen relying on verbal abuse, intimidation and threats to apparently inflict mental suffering for the purpose of obtaining a confession,” attorney and international advocacy officer at Defence for Children — Palestine, Brad Parker, said at the time.
The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, of which Israel has been a signatory since 1991, “prohibits torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.” Yet, explains Parker, “Ill treatment and torture of Palestinian children arrested by Israeli military and police is widespread and systematic.”
So systematic, in fact, that videos and reports of arresting very young Palestinian children are almost a staple on social media platforms concerned with Palestine and Palestinian rights.
The sad reality is that Muhammad Elayyan, 4, and Qais Obaid, 6, and many children like them, have become a target of Israeli soldiers and Jewish settlers throughout the Occupied Palestinian Territories. This horrendous reality must not be tolerated by the international community.
Israeli crimes against Palestinian children must be confronted effectively for the simple reason that Israel, its inhumane laws and iniquitous military courts must not be allowed to continue their uncontested brutalisation of those who are, at the end of the day, children. Israel’s war on their innocence must be stopped.
A Jewish Israeli man has been charged with a violent attack on a Bedouin lifeguard during which he “hurled racial slurs”, reported Ynetnews.
Aviad Dahan, a resident of Sderot, attacked the 19-year-old at a local pool “after being asked not to approach the area while smoking and drinking”, according to the indictment filed Monday.
Dahan was charged by the Kiryat Gat Magistrate’s Court “with causing serious bodily injuries and threatening the lifeguard from the Bedouin town of Rahat at a public swimming pool in the city, after the man had been asked by the teen keep away from the pool while intoxicated.”
According to Ynet News, the lifeguard’s request prompted Dahan to start punching the youth “with his fists”, shouting that “he hates Arabs”, while “his wife slapped the teen’s face”.
At some point during the attack, Dahan also allegedly threatened to kill “the stinking Arab”.
The indictment also “states that during his interrogation, Dahan reiterated his sentiments, saying what prompted him to lash out was seeing ‘Arabs and Jews side by side’.”
Dahan reportedly “claims he intends to stick to this line of defence during his trial hearing.”
The defendant’s wife, Nofar, “was not indicted in the case despite approaching the lifeguard during the incident and repeatedly slapping the teen’s face in front of dozens of onlookers, many of whom were children,” Ynet News added.
Er zijn twee grote dagen op komst: de dag van ‘Arafah en het offerfeest. Het neefje van onze profeet, genaamd ibn ‘Abbaas, is van mening dat Allah in het volgende vers zweert bij deze twee dagen. Allah zegt:
“Bij het even en het oneven”. [89:3]
Met het even wordt volgens hem verwezen naar het offerfeest; de tiende dag van de islamitische maand Dhul Hidjah. En met het oneven naar de dag van ‘Arafah (de negende dag).
Dag van ‘Arafah ‘Arafah is een plaats net buiten Mekka waar de bedevaartgangers op de negende dag van de (islamitische) maand Dhul Hidjah van dohr tot zonsondergang verblijven. Het verblijven in ‘Arafah is hét belangrijkste onderdeel van de bedevaart!
De profeet vrede zij met hem zei over de verdienste van de dag van ‘Arafah:
“Er is geen dag waarop Allah meer dienaren van het Vuur bevrijdt dan de dag van ‘Arafah.” [Sahih Muslim]
Vasten Het is sterk aanbevolen om deze dag, welke dit jaar overeenkomt met zaterdag 10 augustus, te vasten. De profeet vrede zij met hem werd gevraagd over de verdienste van het vasten van de dag van ‘Arafah, waarop hij antwoordde:
“(de kleine zonden van) Het vorige en komende jaar worden daardoor kwijtgescholden.” [Sahih Muslim]
Dagen openstaan van Ramadan Voor degenen die nog dagen van Ramadan moeten inhalen, is het ook aanbevolen om de dag van ‘Arafah te vasten. Zij mogen dit doen met de intentie van én het inhalen van Ramadan én de verdienste van de dag van ‘Arafah. Alhoewel het beter is dat zij de dag van ‘Arafah apart vasten en de gemiste dagen op een later tijdstip inhalen.
Du’a (smeekbede) Het is aanbevolen om veel du’a te verrichten op de dag van ‘Arafah. De profeet vrede zij met hem zei:
“De beste du’a, is de du’a van de dag van ‘Arafah …” [Tirmidhi]
De beste smeekbede die je op deze dag kan uitspreken, zoals dat staat in de volledige versie van de vorige overlevering, is:
Beste broeders en zusters De dag van ‘Arafah is een dag met een grote waarde bij Allah en het vasten ervan heeft een enorme verdienste. Dit een grote buit die je niet mag mislopen!
‘Ied al-Adha Na de grote dag van ‘Arafah volgt een andere grote dag: het offerfeest. Onze profeet vrede zij met hem zei:
“(een van) De geweldigste dagen bij Allah is de dag van het offeren (i.e. het offerfeest).” [Abu Dawood]
Sommige geleerden zijn dan ook van mening dat het de beste dag van het jaar is!
De moslim start deze dag met het ‘Iedgebed, gezamenlijk in de moskee. Dit is ook sterk aanbevolen voor de vrouw, vanwege het specifieke bevel van de profeet vrede zij met hem daartoe. Dit geldt ook voor de menstruerende vrouw wanneer het gebed buiten de moskee wordt gehouden, zoals in een open lege vlakte. Wel moet zij dan afstand houden van de plaats waar het gebed plaatsvindt, aangezien de menstruerende vrouw de moskee niet mag betreden.
Het is aanbevolen om vóór vertrek naar het gebed de grote wassing te verrichten. Net zoals je dat doet voor het vrijdaggebed. En voor de mannen om zich te parfumeren.
Het is aanbevolen om de Takbeer uit te spreken onderweg naar de moskee en wachtend op het gebed. Wel moet daarbij worden gezegd dat dit niet gezamenlijk in één stem hoort te gebeuren, maar ieder voor zich. Een vorm van de Takbeer is:
Het is sunnah om op de terugweg van de moskee naar huis een andere weg te nemen dan de heenweg.
Het is aanbevolen, indien dat mogelijk is, om pas te eten nadat je terugkomt van het ‘Iedgebed, zodat het eerste wat je eet van jouw offer is.
Het is sunnah om van je offer te eten en daarnaast om een deel ervan te doneren aan de armen en behoeftigen. Allah zegt: “Eet ervan (i.e. het offer) en voed de arme behoeftige.” [22:28]
Het slachten beperkt zich niet tot de dag van ‘Ied, maar kan tot drie dagen na ‘Ied. Tot zonsondergang van de dertiende van de (islamitische) maand, oftewel woensdag 14 augustus.
Buren Het is toegestaan om een deel van het schaap te schenken aan niet-moslims. Dit is dus een mooie gelegenheid om jouw buren de vrijgevigheid van de islam te tonen door hen een deel van het schaap te schenken. Het beste zou zijn gekookt en al.
Bekeerlingen Houd rekening met onze (alleenstaande) bekeerde broeders en zusters zodat ook zij de ‘Ied als een bijzondere dag ervaren. Het is niet gepast dat wij gezellig met onze familie zitten en dat zij deze dag alleen doorbrengen. Gedenk dat een moslim blijdschap brengen één van de meest geliefde daden bij Allah is.
Beste broeders en zusters:
Het feit dat de moslim grote waarde hecht aan de ‘Ied getuigt van sterk geloof in het hart. Allah zegt:
“En wie de gewijde Tekenen van Allah (waaronder de ‘Ied) eer bewijst; voorwaar, dat is (teken) van Taqwa (Godsvrees) in de harten” [22:32]
Je bewijst deze dag eer door ten eerste het ‘Iedgebed bij te wonen met jouw medemoslims en vervolgens door de rest van de gebeden op haar voorgeschreven tijden te verrichten. En door vreugde te uiten, blij als de moslim is met deze gezegende dag. Deze vreugde uit je o.a. door je beste kleding te dragen, allerlei lekkers in huis te halen, vrienden en familie met open armen te ontvangen en door elkaar te omhelzen en te begroeten met woorden als Taqabbala Allaaho Minnaa Wa Minkom, ‘Ied Mobaarak e.d.
De ‘Ied is een dag van familiebezoek, samenhorigheid en gezelligheid. Uiteraard gezelligheid binnen de grenzen die Allah heeft voorgeschreven. Gezelligheid hoeft niet gepaard te gaan met verboden zaken en ook niet met overlast aan moslims of niet-moslims.
De ‘Ied is ook een mooie gelegenheid om geschillen en conflicten bij te leggen. De beste is degene die het initiatief neemt, ook al is hij van mening dat de ander fout zit. Al is het slechts met een berichtje waarmee je de betreffende met de ‘Ied feliciteert. Vergeet niet dat de ‘Ied een dag is van dankbaarheid aan Allah. Onze Barmhartige Heer Die ons van ontelbare gunsten voorziet.
Ik wens iedereen alvast een gezegende ‘Ied toe en ik vraag Allah de meest Verhevene om betere tijden te doen aanbreken voor onze broeders en zusters die wereldwijd met tegenspoed zijn getroffen. Ameen.