Sick Palestinian prisoners suffering in Israeli jails, petition for early release

Sami Abu Diak

Sick Palestinian prisoners are continuing to struggle for their lives and health inside Israeli prisons. The Palestinian Prisoners’ Affairs Commission has submitted an appeal for the early release of Sami Abu Diak, 35, from the village of Silat al-Zuhair, south of Jenin.

The appeal in the case of Abu Diak, who was sentenced to three life sentences and 30 years and has been jailed since 17 July 2002, will be heard on 25 October. He has colon cancer and his health has been severely declining for years. Two years ago, he underwent four operations to remove tumors and 80 cm of his large intestine was removed. However, he developed an infection when he was returned to Ramleh prison clinic due to a lack of hygiene and was in a coma and in critical condition for a week. At the time, his request for early release was denied. However, his suffering has only continued in the ensuing years and his health is precarious.

Early release applications were also filed for several other Palestinian political prisoners, including the child prisoner Khaled Dabaya, 16, who is suffering from serious depression, does not speak to anyone and has lost a great deal of weight. He was held in solitary confinement for a long period of time. A petition was submitted to have him examined by a specialist, Mahmoud Saleh, who will submit a report on his case.

In addition, Nisreen Hassan, 40, from Gaza, has petitioned to undergo a screening for breast cancer. Fadi Abu Attia, from the al-Amari refugee camp in Ramallah, is serving a 12.5-year sentence and is currently suffering from severe psychological distress and loss of memory. He previously petitioned for release after a psychological crisis after the last hunger strike; however, a new request has been submitted as his psychological condition has only worsened since that time.

Mansour Moqtada from Salfit is sentenced to life imprisonment and is held permanently in the Ramle prison clinic. He was paralyzed due to his injuries from being shot by occupation forces at the time of his arrest and relies on colostomy bags and a “plastic stomach” for digestion. His health condition has remained continually very serious; the early release committee will hear his case on 27 December in the Ramle prison.

Hussein Atallah, from Nablus, is serving a 32-year sentence and is currently suffering from cancer and a severe health condition. An urgent petition has been filed for his early release. Meanwhile, Mohammed Bisharat, from Tubas, is serving an 18-year sentence and is suffering from life-threatening kidney disease. An outside doctor, Mohammed Masarwa, visited him on 5 October after a petition by the Commission’s lawyers, and a hearing on his early release will be heard on 19 October.

Meanwhile, ill child prisoner Anas Adnan Hamarsheh, 17, from the village of Yabad, had his detention extended for 11 days on Tuesday, 10 October; he was seized on Sunday morning in a pre-dawn raid when occupation forces invaded his family home. He is a high school student and the son of former prisoner Adnan Hamarsheh, who spent 11 years in Israeli prisons. Anas suffers from Perthes disease and requires treatment; he is in danger of losing his ability to walk.

Palestinian lawyer Moataz Shqeirat also urged legal and humanitarian action for Palestinian prisoner Khaled al-Shawish, held in the Ramle prison clinic. Al-Shawish used a wheelchair to move around and his right hand was hit by four bullets and was shattered, receiving a platinum implant. Two months ago, he received a bone graft in his hand and it was rejected, causing severe pain and infection. The graft and implant were removed, which could lead to the amputation of his hand.  He was told he would receive a further operation to restore the original metal implant, but has since been told that the operation will not be carried out.

Shqeirat highlighted the cases of the 15 sickest prisoners held in Ramle prison clinic who continue to suffer not only from their illnesses but from the medical neglect of the Israel Prison Service.

(Source / 11.10.2017)

58 Palestinian women in Israeli prisons; one family’s yearning for their mother

As Khadija Rabie, 30, was seized by occupation forces in an overnight raid on her home in Yatta on Tuesday morning, 10 October, Palestinian lawyers Hanan Khatib and Wahba Masalha reported that there are currently 58 Palestinian women political prisoners imprisoned by Israel, including 10 minor girls. The lawyers reported following their visits to HaSharon and Damon prisons, where women prisoners are held.

Rabie was one of seven Palestinians seized by occupation forces in pre-dawn raids throughout the occupied West Bank of Palestine.

The two lawyers reported that Palestinian women prisoners are located next to Israeli “criminal” prisoners’ sections, from whom they receive harassment as well as frequent disturbances at night. This is particularly troubling to a number of ill prisoners, who do not receive appropriate treatment and hospitalization or diagnosis is frequently delayed. For women prisoners who receive medication, their medication will frequently end at the end of the month and there will be a delay before the medication is refilled or sometimes replaced with a different drug.

In addition, prisoners living with mental illness, frequently as a result of trauma, often do not receive treatment at all, and if they do, they are given only sedatives.

Palestinian women prisoners also raised once more the torturous experience of the “Bosta,” the van in which prisoners are transported to military courts or other prisons. The ride has frequent stops and prisoners are forced to board and deboard repeatedly and ride on hard metal benches, often shackled. Prisoners often do not receive food during the transit periods and transportation takes excessively long periods of time due to frequent and lengthy stops. They also noted that they are subject to provocations and harassment by the Nachshon forces responsible for prisoner transfers.

Women prisoners going to the military court are often subjected to a two- day journey with an overnight stay at the Jalameh interrogation center, notorious for insect infestations and filthy conditions of life.

The women prisoners also emphasized their experiences under interrogation. Ibtisam Mousa, a prisoner from Gaza, said that she was held for 27 days in the Ashkelon interrogation center, interrogated for many hours at a time and shackled to a chair as interrogators screamed curses at her, threatened to shell her family’s home in Gaza and hurt her children and husband. She noted further that conditions in the interrogation center were filthy, with little toilet facilities and dirty bedding, part of a comprehensive attempt to wear down and break the will of prisoners facing interrogation.

The Asra Media Center reported on the experience of the four children of Sabah Faraoun, 36, a seamstress from Jerusalem, who is one of four Palestinian women currently held without charge or trial under administrative detention. Her four children are Abdel-Razak, 16, Alaa, 14, Tala, 7, and Leen, 6. Their mother has been held without charge or trial since 19 June 2016.

Her husband, Issa Faraoun, noted that when ocupation forces surrounded and stormed their home after midnight, they immediately began questioning Sabah about her brother, Omar al-Shurbaji, a freed prisoner displaced to Gaza upon his release. He noted that the scene was very difficult for the children as occupation forces “armed as if prepared to fight a fierce battle” invaded the family home in the middle of the night.

He said that Leen repeatedly goes to the front door of the family home, looking for her mother and asking when she will return. The children refused to celebrate on Eid, thinking only of their mother and when she would return. He noted that “the visits are difficult for all of us, especially for the children who see their mother behind plate glass and strain to hear her voice over the visitation phone.”

He also noted that she suffers from joint disease that is exacerbated by the use of the “bosta” for transportation and receives little to no treatment and is suffering physically as well as from the separation from her family. He noted that he tries to support the children and alleviate their psychological pain, but that “their mother is still missing and no one can fill that hole.”

(Source / 11.10.2017)

September report: 431 Palestinians detained by Israeli occupation forces

International law provides special protections to civilian populations under occupation. One aspect of such protection includes safeguards against arbitrary detention and other measures aimed at preserving and maintaining the human dignity of people inside and outside detention centers. In a context of ongoing violations of its most basic obligations under international humanitarian law and international human rights law, Israeli occupation forces continued their policy of arbitrary detention of hundreds of civilians from the occupied Palestinian territory in September 2017. Arbitrary arrests and detention are serious phenomena that continue to be carried out by occupation authorities in various Palestinian governorates and affect all sectors of society, especially children and women.

The following report was prepared by four partner institutions, Al-Mezan Center for Human Rights, Palestinian Prisoners’ Society, Prisoners’ Affairs Commission and the Addameer Prisoner Support and Human Rights Association. Translation by Samidoun Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network.

The report examines the arrests that took place during September and is divided into four parts. The first deals with statistics on the number of Palestinian prisoners, the second on the increasing use of house arrest against children, the third to the campaign of large-scale arrests in Kufl Hares southwest of Nablus, and the fourth provides a legal analysis of the various events reviewed under international humanitarian and human rights law. The report concludes with a set of recommendations and conclusions.

The four organizations reiterate their strong condemnation of Israel’s gross and systematic violations of the rules of international law against Palestinian detainees, especially children, and deplores the continued occupation authorities’ disregard of the legal guarantees provided by the international legal system, in particular the Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners of 1955 and other international conventions that ensure the rights of detainees.

The four institutions also call upon the international community to intervene urgently to fulfill its legal and moral obligations towards the population of the occupied Palestinian territories and to take effective measures to compel the occupying state to ensure respect for their rights. It also calls on the local, regional and international levels to activate solidarity campaigns with Palestinian prisoners to pressure the occupying power.

Section One: Statistics on Arrests

In September 2017, the Israeli occupation authorities seized 431 Palestinians from the occupied Palestinian territories, including 98 children, 11 women and three journalists.

According to the monitoring and documentation conducted by the four institutions, the Israeli occupation authorities arrested 133 Palestinians from Jerusalem, 60 from al-Khalil, 45 from Nablus, 40 from Ramallah and el-Bireh, 40 from Qalqilya, 38 from Jenin, 28 from Bethlehem, 15 from Tubas, 10 from Salfit, 9 from Tulkarem, 7 from Jericho and 6 from the Gaza Strip.

In the context of the policy of administrative detention, occupation authorities issued 68 administrative detention orders, 24 of which are newly issued.

Despite the fact that this represents a decline in the numbers from the preceding month, this arrest rate still constitutes ongoing mass imprisonment of the Palestinian people. This means that occupation forces arrested roughly 14 people each night for the past month.

The total number of Palestinian detainees in Israeli jails has reached approximately 6300, including 57 women, among them 10 minor girls. There are approximately 300 child prisoners in Israeli prisons and 450 Palestinians held without charge or trial under administrative detention.

Section Two: 250 “house imprisonment” sentences issued against children within a two-year period

Israeli occupation authorities have escalated their arbitrary measures against Palestinian children since the outbreak of the “Jerusalem Intifada” in October 2015, in the context of systematic policies that target Palestinian children.

In this context, Israeli courts issued 250 sentences for “house imprisonment,” mostly against Jerusalemite children, both male and female. These sentences are a substitute for imprisonment and force children not to leave their homes, restrict their freedom and also impose sentences on the entire family, determining who must stay within the house. An adult family member is forced to make a guarantee for this sentence, which turns the family home into a prison and makes parents wardens and supervisors over their children, forcing them to prevent their children from leaving the house even for treatment or study, in accordance with the orders of the Israeli court and threatened with punishment should they diverge.

Section Three: The policy of collective punishment – the campaign of arrests in the village of Kufl Hares

Since the end of August 2017, the village of Kufl Hares southwest of Nablus has witnessed a campaign of arrests by the Israeli occupation army against the youth of the village. The occupation forces accuse the youth of throwing stones and Molotov cocktails on the occupation road that connects the illegal settlements near the village. As of the end of September, there are 19 detainees from age 16 through 24 from the village. During a field visit to the village carried out by Addameer Prisoner Support and Human Rights Association, the organization observed several punitive measures against the Palestinian villagers.

The main gate of the village that connects its main streets to roads to other cities, like Nablus, Salfit and Ramallah, is fully closed. This forces residents of the village to use unpaved roads that take a much longer time, in order to exit the village. The arrests in the village were accompanied by repeated invasions into homes, late at night, ransacking and looting the contents of the homes by occupation forces. This is in addition to conducting field interrogations against the young people arrested and members of their families, in addition to explicit threats made by intelligence officers against prisoners’ families. The threat made was that if their sons are involved in “acts of terrorism,” the family members will lose their land, including the agricultural land of the village, as well as any permits to enter the occupation state, whether for work or medical treatment. This constitutes collective punishment forbidden under international law.

In a statement to the Addameer Association, M.J., the mother of two prisoners said that:

“On 5 September 2017, the occupation army stormed our home for the third time. There were a large number of infantry soldiers. At the same time, there was an arrest of two of the sons of the village. Our home was raided in a very aggressive, violent way. They searched and rooted through everything. They interrogated my son Mohammed (22) and the officer asked him about the cell phones of the whole family. He threatened to arrest my son Burhan (16), the youngest of them, if we hid any phones and he demanded our passwords. During the interrogation of Mohammed in the other room, we heard their voices screaming and them beating and hitting the walls. Also, in the house, the soldier who identified himself as “Atta” said that ‘Nour, your son who was arrested last month, sends his greetings.’ He also told me that Nour is in the Jalameh interrogation center and that today he came as a surprise to me, by arresting my son Mohammed. Mohammed is now in Megiddo prison and is accused and facing trial in Salem military court. After he had been detained, the army returned and invaded our home for the fourth time. The soldier asked my husband, ‘Do you know why Mohammed and Nour were arrested?’ He replied, ‘I do not know.’ The officer said that they were accused of throwing Molotovs on the main road and that if this is proven the entire family will be affected, we will lose our home, land, and car, and they threatened not to give a permit to his uncle for travel or even treatment for the entire family. After about half an hour, they left the house.”

Another statement was given by N. B., the mother of the detainee Ahmed Bouziya, to Addameer Association:

“They broke into our house and broke down the main door. They invaded and gathered us in the guest room, and we were six people, including my husband and my children, and then they began to ransack the house. They removed the clothes from the cupboards, broke our eggs and mixed the eggs with the flour. They broke apart the contents of the bedroom and after they left, we discovered that they had stolen NIS 2,000 ($500 USD) and my husband told the officer, but they denied it and left. At about 3:15 am on Wednesday, 13 September, while we were sleeping inside our home, the army returned and they invaded our house again, with four soldiers and an intelligence officer. After they invaded, the officer asked my husband about the house we live in, and if it is permitted or not? They also asked if we have property such as a car or land, and the officer told us that our son, Mohammed, is under investigation and that if the charges are proven against him, we will lose the permit for our house, our car and land will be confiscated, and any work permits will be withdrawn, and the entire family will be punished and denied permits to enter the occupation state, even for medical treatment.”

Section Four: Legal Analysis

This report presents the legal protections under international humanitarian and human rights law to detainees, related to the types of Israeli violations during the reporting period and the legal rules that prohibit such violations, as follows:

1 – The arbitrary detention of Palestinian citizens violates the legal guarantees related to the prohibition of arbitrary detention in international human rights law, including article 9 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights and articles 9 and 10 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1976).

2 – The policy of administrative detention by the occupation state, in which detention is carried out on the basis of secret evidence and without any charge against the detainee, constitutes a direct violation of fair trial guarantees under the following legal principles:

a) It is contrary to Article 11 (1) of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which states that: “Everyone charged with a penal offense has the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law in a public trial at which he has had all the guarantees necessary for his defense.”

b) It constitutes a grave violation of articles 9 and 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1976, which guarantees everyone the right to a fair trial, to be informed of the charges against them and to be able to defend themselves.

c) The failure to disclose any charges against the person detained under the administrative detention order precludes every possibility of verifying the compliance of the occupying state with Article 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, which states that “If the Occupying Power considers it necessary, for imperative reasons of security, to take safety measures concerning protected persons, it may, at the most, subject them to assigned residence or to internment.” It is impossible to verify whether this detention is permitted without knowing what the reasons have been and are.

d) Failure to inform the detained person of the charges against them constitutes a violation of Article 71 of the Fourth Geneva Convention of 1949, which obliges the occupying power to report charges without delay. They also constitute a violation of article 10 of the Body of Principles for the Protection of All Persons in Any Form of Detention or Imprisonment of 1988, which requires the same.

3. The right to education is guaranteed under article 13 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social of Cultural Rights of 1976 and denial of that right violates article 28 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child of 1990.

4. The various forms of ill-treatment during the campaign of arrests carried out by Israeli occupation forces in the village of Kufl Hares, southwest of Nablus governorate, violate article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1976 and article 16/1 of the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhumane and Degrading Treatment or Punishment of 1987.


This report sustains a number of findings, through our analysis of the practices of occupation authorities and the reality of Palestinian detainees in Israeli prisons, as follows:

1) The occupying forces are continuing their gross and systematic violations of international humanitarian and human rights law.

2) These Israeli violations have resulted in severe suffering for Palestinian detainees in Israeli prisons.

3) The silence of the international community has encouraged the occupying power to increase their violations against Palestinian detainees.

4) The High Contracting Parties to the Geneva Conventions have failed to fulfill their duties and have in fact encouraged the occupation authorities to escalate their violations.


At the conclusion of the report, this series of recommendations is based on the above-mentioned facts and the systematic and gross violations of international humanitarian and human rights law by the occupying power, as follows:

Recommendations at the international level:

1) Formation of a fact-finding committee by the UN Human Rights Council on Israeli violations against detainees.

2) Activate the mechanisms of accountability by the international community towards the perpetrators of violations in fulfillment of its legal and ethical obligations.

3) The High Contracting Parties to the Geneva Conventions must uphold their responsibilities and pressure the occupying power to respect international humanitarian law.

4) International contracting committees of the Conventions must activate their role to pressure the occupying state to respect the standards for prisoners’ rights.

Recommendations at the local level:

1) Activating local solidarity campaigns with Palestinian prisoners.

2) Media support for detainees through intensified media campaigns.

(Source / 11.10.2017)

Committee: Convicted Israeli terrorists receive support from Israeli state

A little bit older article

Zio terrorism

RAMALLAH (Ma’an) — Amid what the Palestinian Committee of Prisoners’ Affairs has described as a “frenetic Israeli campaign” against Palestinian authorities’ payment of allowances to Palestinian prisoners in Israel and their families, the committee published a list on Monday of Israelis convicted of murdering Palestinians and anti-Palestinian extremist organizations, who have received financial and legal support from the state of Israel.

Committee head Issa Qaraqe has accused the Israeli government of “supporting Jewish terrorists and their extremist organizations both financially, socially, and legally through organizations authorized by the Israeli government,” calling Israel “the biggest funder of official terrorism in the Middle East.”
A large number of the criminals mentioned on the list were convicted and received life sentences, “but only served only five to seven years in Israeli jails,” according to the committee. Additionally, the Israelis used “deceitful methods” to bypass law and pardon certain criminals, some of them before ever entering a prison cell, the statement added.
Rights groups have meanwhile documented the discriminatory and racist manner in which the Israel Prison Service (IPS) classifies its prisoners, specifically “to violate the rights of Palestinian prisoners defined as ‘security’ prisoners, while at the same time providing benefits to Jewish prisoners also defined as ‘security’ prisoners,” as legal NGO Adalah put it.
The Jewish Underground movement
The first item on the committee’s list was the Jewish Underground, a right-wing terror organization that carried out and plotted a string of attacks in the 1980s, with some of its members being decorated officers in the Israeli army and widely respected in the Israeli settler community.
Members of the group were convicted in 1985 of committing of a number of attacks — marking the first time a group of Israeli Jews were convicted of being part of a terrorist organization.
Among the Jewish Underground’s crimes were car bombings targeting Palestinian mayors: Nablus Mayor Bassam al-Shakaa lost both of his legs, Ramallah Mayor Karim Khalaf lost a foot, and al-Bireh Mayor Ibrahim al-Tawil was saved when the device planted in his car was discovered.
The defendants also plotted to blow up the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem, attempted to murder three Palestinian college students in Hebron, and booby-trapped Palestinian buses with bombs.
Menachem Livni, Shaul Nir, and Uziah Sharabaf received life sentences defined as lasting 24 years, while the others received terms of imprisonment ranging from three to nine years. Twenty members were released after less than two years, and none served more than five years. The three life sentences were commuted three times, finally to 10 years. With time off for good behavior, they were released in 1990.
The committee’s statement said that all have received monthly benefits, by order of Israeli law, from the Israeli Social Affairs Ministry and from Israeli National Insurance.
Three of the members of the group currently work at Israeli prime minister’s office. Nathan Nathanson, convicted of involvement in the car bombings against the Palestinian mayors, has since been employed as a political adviser for Israeli Education Minister and chairman of the Jewish Home party Naftali Bennett.
One of the three original founders of the cell, Yehuda Etzion, is the founder and current chairman of the right-wing Jewish group Hai Vekayam, dedicated to allowing Jewish prayer in the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound.
A number of others have since become heads of settlement councils, according to the committee’s statement.
Dani Eizman, Michal Hillel, and Gil Fox
The second group of “Jewish terrorists,” according to the prisoners’ affairs committee, consisted of Dani Eisman, Gil Fox, and Michal Hillel, who were convicted for the 1985 kidnapping and murder of taxi driver Khamis Tutanji, a Palestinian resident of Israel. They were each sentenced to life in prison, but released after serving between five and seven years.
The three also received the usual benefits from the Israeli Ministry of Social Affairs and Israeli National Insurance while in prison.
The case was cited in a report, which indicated that unlike Jewish prisoners who are citizens of Israel and perpetrated acts against Arabs or Palestinians based on ideological motives, Palestinian prisoners who are citizens of Israel have yet to receive any real commutation of their sentence or early release.
David Ben-Shimol
David Ben-Shimol fired an anti-tank missile at a Palestinian bus in 1985, killing one person and injuring dozens. He was sentenced to life, serving only 11 years of his sentence. He also received benefits while in prison, according to the statement.
Ami Popper
After Ami Popper massacred seven Palestinians in 1990, he was found guilty of seven counts of murder and initially handed seven life sentences, before seeing his sentence commuted to 40 years.
He has reportedly been granted furlough more than 100 times in the 18 years since his conviction, marrying three times while in prison custody. He fathered six children while in custody, according to the prisoners’ committee.
The statement said in addition to the usual social benefits, his family has been the recipient of financial support from far-right Israeli NGO Honenu, which is reportedly indirectly funded from tax deductible US donations.
Zeev Wolf and Gershon Hershkovich
Zeev Wolf and Gershon Hershkovich were convicted of hurling a hand grenade at a market in Jerusalem in November 1992, killing one Palestinian and injuring 20 others, according to the statement which didn’t provide further details on the attack. They were released after serving six years and a half in prison, and received social benefits while in prison.
Yoram Shkolnik
Israeli settler Yoram Shkolnik shot and killed Moussa Suleiman Abu Abha multiple times at close range while the Palestinian was blindfolded, bound hand and foot, and guarded by Israeli soldiers after allegedly attempting to detonate a hand grenade in 1993. Shkolnik’s life sentence was later reduced.
In addition to the allowances Shkolnik received from the Israeli National Insurance and the Social Affairs Ministry, the prisoners’ committee said the Israeli government “gave him a grant to start a project of his own,” without providing additional details.
Nachshon Wales
According to the committee, Nachshon Wales was sentenced to life in prison for killing a Palestinian woman in August 1990 while she was tending her olive grove. His sentence was twice commuted,and he was released after serving 11 years. He currently works as a security guard in an illegal Israeli settlement, according to the committee.
Bat Ayin Underground
Members of terrorist organization Bat Ayin were convicted of parking a booby-trapped car in the yard of a Palestinian girls school in East Jerusalem in 2002. Some of the defendants remain in custody, receiving social benefits as well as financial support from the right-wing settler organization Elad, according to the committee, as well as from Honenu.
Dawabsha murderers
The committee’s statement also mentioned the 2015 deadly arson attack that killed three members of the Palestinian Dawabsha family in the occupied West Bank, for which two Israelis convicted of murder.
Amiram Ben-Uliel was charged with three counts of murder, while a minor was charged as an accessory to murder and unnamed by Israeli media due to gag orders on the identities of underage Israeli suspects.
The prisoners’ committee’s statement named Yoram Stenhil to have been found guilty of firebombing and killing the Dawabsha family, though it could not immediately be confirmed if this was referring to the minor convicted in the case alongside Ben-Uliel.
Stenhil, in addition to receiving social benefits from the state, allegedly also is funded by Honenu and received 600,000 shekels ($169,000) in one year, according to the statement.
Yigal Amir
After being convicted for the 1995 murder of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, Yigal Amir was given a life sentence and remains in prison. He has since been married in custody and is allowed to meet with his wife in prison. He receives social benefits and has been receiving “generous donations from extremist right-wing Jewish groups,” including Honenu, the statement said.
Elor Azarya
Israeli soldier Elor Azarya shot dead Abd al-Fattah al-Sharif in Hebron in March 2016 after the young Palestinian had already been shot and incapacitated by another Israeli soldier for allegedly attempting a knife attack. Azarya was convicted of manslaughter and sentenced to 18 months in prison.
The sentence has been appealed by both the prosecution and the defense for being both too lenient and too harsh.
According to the prisoners’ committee, Azarya has continued to receive his salary from the Israeli army, while his father founded a charitable organization and named it after him. The organization has so far received more than 8 million shekels ($2.25 million) in donations, according to the committee.
Bus 300 Affair
Ehud Yatom, a former member of Israeli Knesset and former deputy chief of Israeli general intelligence, was among members of the Shin Bet involved in the Bus 300 Affair of 1984 in which Shin Bet members executed two Palestinian bus hijackers.
Yatom expressed pride over “smashing their skulls” with rocks after capturing them alive.
Yatom, Shimon Malka, and Yosi Genswar were convicted but did not go to jail due to a full presidential pardons.
Honenu organization
The committee’s statement also listed the aforementioned Honenu organization for offering financial and legal support to extremist Israelis who have been convicted or are on trial for terror attacks against Palestinians. The group, which raises funds in the US, also receives approximately 6 million shekels ($1.69 million ) from the Israeli government every year, according to the committee.
Dr. Goldstein organization
Dr. Goldstein organization, named after the US-born Israeli settler Baruch Goldstein who massacred 29 Palestinians inside Hebron’s Ibrahimi Mosque in 1994, “attempts to perpetuate the terrorist Goldstein as a national hero,” the committee said, adding that the group receives direct and indirect financial support from the Israeli government.
Rehavam Zeevi organization
The prisoners’ committee also identified the Rehavam Zeevi organization as an example of Israeli state-sponsored anti-Palestinian extremism. The organization was named after the right-wing Israeli politician who was assassinated by Palestinian gunmen affiliated to the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine.
Zeevi was known for establishing the extremist Moledet (Homeland) party that advocates for the population transfer of Palestinians from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip to neighboring Arab countries.
According to the committee, the group receives direct support from the Israeli government.
(Source / 11.10.2017)

1 in 6 households in Morocco run by women

Women can be seen carrying heavy goods on their backs across the Spanish-Moroccan border

Nearly one in six households in Morocco is headed by a woman, said the High Commission for Planning (HCP) in celebration of National Women’s Day yesterday.

According to data from the Census of Population and Habitat in 2014, around 1.2 million households are currently run by women with the rate being higher in urban areas than in rural areas.

Compared with the data from the previous census conducted in 2004, the rate of female-headed households remained “almost stable”. In 1960 the proportion of female heads of household was at 11.2 per cent with the rate steadily increasingly in the 1980s and 1990s (15.3 per cent in 1982 and 15.4 per cent in 1994) and rising again in the 2000s.

More than half of the women who head their households were widowed whilst 14 per cent were divorced and 20 per cent were married.

Half of the female heads of households were over 54-years-old, compared to one third of their male counterparts, and 65 per cent of the women were mainly illiterate and poorly integrated into the labour market with a participation rate of 30 per cent.

The highest proportion of female-headed households higher than the national average was found in the Guelmim-Oued Noun region of Morocco accounting for 18.7 per cent of the 16,838 households.

Read: Morocco’s ‘cargo women’ carry goods worth millions of euros on their backs

According to the HCP, one in five female household heads live alone – compared with 4.6 per cent of male heads of household – generally have fewer dependents and live in smaller dwellings which are poorly equipped.

90.3 per cent of female-headed households have a mobile phone and 21.9 per cent have a computer compared with 95.1 per cent and 26.1 per cent of households with a male head.

Despite Morocco adopting a family code that was hailed by women’s rights groups a decade ago and three years ago passing a new constitution guaranteeing gender equality, changes have been slow.

Women make up 50 per cent of the population, 47 per cent of education enrolment and only 26 per cent of the labour force.

(Source / 11.10.2017)

Edward Snowden:Top ISIS Leader Abu Bakr Al Baghdadi Was Trained by Israeli Mossad

The former employee at US National Security Agency (NSA), Edward Snowden, has revealed that the British and American intelligence and the Mossad worked together to create the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS).

Snowden said intelligence services of three countries created a terrorist organisation that is able to attract all extremists of the world to one place, using a strategy called “the hornet’s nest”.

NSA documents refer to recent implementation of the hornet’s nest to protect the Zionist entity by creating religious and Islamic slogans.

According to documents released by Snowden, “The only solution for the protection of the Jewish state “is to create an enemy near its borders”.

Leaks revealed that ISIS leader and cleric Abu Bakr Al Baghdadi took intensive military training for a whole year in the hands of Mossad, besides courses in theology and the art of speech.

(Source / 11.10.2017)

Hamas, Fatah optimistic after first day of reconciliation talks in Cairo

Hamas and Fatah

CAIRO (Ma’an) — The Hamas and Fatah movements released a joint statement late Tuesday, shortly after the conclusion of the first day of reconciliation talks between the two rival Palestinian factions, saying that the “atmosphere was positive” on the first day of meetings.

According to the statement, the talks — taking place in Cairo — went on for almost 10 hours under Egyptian sponsorship.
“We thank Egypt for its sponsorship in achieving reconciliation and ending division and we look forward to continuing talks on Wednesday in the same high spirits,” the statement read.
Several topics were reportedly discussed, though no decisions were made. A major point of discussion, according to the statement, was finding ways to “lift the suffering off Palestinians’ shoulders and lessen the hardship of living conditions in the Gaza Strip.”
Earlier Tuesday, official Palestinian Authority (PA)-owned Wafa news agency reported that Fatah officials had said that the main issue on the agenda would be discussing how to empower the Fatah-led PA in Gaza, following the government’s takeover of power last week from Hamas’ de facto administration.
Hamas had agreed to hand over administrative control of the Gaza Strip to the PA earlier this month in order to pave the way for reconciliation with Fatah, with whom Hamas has been embroiled in conflict since its election victory in legislative elections in 2006, sparking a violent conflict between the two movements.According to Wafa, Fatah officials expressed concern over transferring power and control of Gaza’s border crossings from Hamas to Fatah within the next two weeks.
Topics such as national elections, security, the justice system and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) will also be discussed in Cairo, Wafa said.
Numerous attempts have been made in the past to reconcile Hamas and Fatah since they came into violent conflict in 2007, shortly after Hamas’ 2006 victory in general elections held in the Gaza Strip.
In addition to resolving the issue of public employees, Hamas and Fatah plan to pave the way for legislative elections for the unity government that would rule both the occupied West Bank and Gaza. The issue of administering Gaza’s border crossings and the territory’s dire electricity crisis will also have to be resolved.
However, the main obstacle facing the unity government is the future of Hamas’ military wing. The movement has insisted that its weapons are not up for discussion, based on Hamas’ identity as a military resistance movement against Israel.
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas has meanwhile said multiple times that he would not accept the “Hezbollah model” in place in Lebanon, and that “there should only be one authority, one weapon, one law, and one political program” for both regions of the occupied territory.
(Source / 11.10.2017)

Israeli police detain 4 Palestinians over graffiti, posters praising slain Palestinian

Damascus Gate Jerusalem

Israeli police stand in front of Damascus Gate in Jerusalem, October 5, 2015

BETHLEHEM (Ma’an) — Israeli police detained four Palestinian youth from occupied East Jerusalem on Tuesday for hanging posters praising Misbah Abu Sbeih, who was killed by Israeli forces last years after carrying out a shooting attack that left two Israelis dead.

The Israeli police said in a statement that forces arrested four “youths” from the Old City, Wadi al-Joz, and Ras al-Amud neighborhoods of East Jerusalem.
The statement added that the youths had sprayed graffiti and hung posters praising Abu Sbeih on the anniversary of his death.
Two of the detainees were arrested as they were spraying graffiti, while the other two were detained shortly after, according to the statement.
Israeli police forces confiscated the spray paint and posters from the youths, who remained unidentified.
Israeli authorities have claimed that attacks such as the one carried out by Abu Sbeih have been caused largely by “incitement” among Palestinians, notably through social media or expressions of support — through posters and graffiti – towards groups or individuals opposing the Israeli occupation.
Israeli forces have raided bookstores, print shops, and media institutions in the occupied West Bank in past months over allegations that the businesses were inciting violence against Israel.
The raids have come amid a wider crackdown by Israeli authorities on Palestinian freedom of expression, through censoring social media activity and jailing journalistsactivistspoets, and novelists.
(Source / 11.10.2017)

Pollster: Abbas would lose in elections, Fatah still safe


Khalil Shikaki, leading Palestinian pollster and director of the Ramallah-based Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research (PCPSR), has told Al-Monitor that based on current polling, the Fatah movement would do well in parliamentary elections, but that President Mahmoud Abbas would not win. According to Shikaki, the only Fatah leader at present who could win an election is Marwan Barghouti, who is serving a long sentence in an Israeli prison.

Shikaki said polling data reveal that Abbas’ troubles go back to 2014. According to the PCPSR’s most recent poll, conducted Sept. 14-16, and surveying 1,270 West Bank and Gaza residents, the PCPSR reported, “67% of Palestinians want President Abbas to resign and only 31% are satisfied with his performance.” If a presidential election was held between Abbas and Ismail Haniyeh, head of Hamas’ political bureau, the Hamas leader would receive 50% of the vote compared to 42% for Abbas. Like Abbas, Haniyeh would also lose to Barghouti, who would garner 59% to his 36%. In parliamentary elections, Fatah would garner 36% of the vote, while Hamas would come in second, with 29%, with third parties winning a combined 10%.

Shikaki believes that if the ongoing attempt at reconciliation between Fatah and Hamas succeeds, Abbas’ fortunes could improve, but only slightly. “Instead of two-thirds of polled Palestinians wanting him to resign, maybe the percentage will be closer to 60% or 55%,” he said. “There is still strong frustration with the performance of President Abbas among the majority of Palestinians.”

The pollster does not believe that Palestinians’ frustration only relates to the punitive measures that Abbas has applied against Gaza. Rather, he said, “There are three reasons for this frustration. In addition to Palestinian anger over the reduced support to Gazans, there is frustration that his rule is becoming more autocratic and at the same time that Abbas is weak in standing up to the Israelis.”

Abbas has repeatedly said that he does not plan to run for president, but according to Shikaki, only Barghouti fares better in head-to-head competition against Hamas’ Haniyeh. “All other Fatah leaders — including every member of the Fatah Central Committee — are seen as too connected to Abbas, and not independent from him, and therefore they don’t fare any differently from Abbas in polls.”

Shikaki believes that if Abbas is definitely not running for re-election, he should “move quickly to provide an opportunity for a new leadership to emerge that will be seen as independent from [him] and will be able to forge a different direction and strategy for Palestinian independence.”

While Abbas’ numbers are not encouraging, consecutive polls indicate that support for Fatah remains more or less stable. The movement Abbas leads would fare better in parliamentary elections. “Their numbers are stable in the West Bank, but Fatah will need to do something about [Mohammed] Dahlan in Gaza,” Shikaki said.

Dahlan, who was expelled from Fatah, is likely to split the faction’s vote in Gaza, which could spell trouble for the movement there, Shikaki contends. “A lot of work will be needed to improve Fatah’s position in Gaza,” he said. “The reconciliation could help Fatah, but the years of Hamas rule have left their mark, and the Fatah movement is weak and not unified.”

After 10 years of total control over Gaza, Hamas has agreed to a wide range of measures allowing the Ramallah-based Palestinian Authority to return to Gaza and unify the divided Palestinian community. New elections are part of the agreement. The younger generation constituting the majority of Palestinians in both Gaza and the West Bank is largely indifferent and apathetic toward current leaders, but Shikaki says there is no organized alternative to the long-standing factions.

“As of now, there is no sign that anyone outside the two established groups, Fatah or Hamas, will be able to put forward a candidate with a credible chance of winning the presidency or has a list that could win enough votes and can impact the balance in the Palestinian Legislative Council,” Shikaki said.

The position of the Palestinian electorate as assessed by Shikaki is similar to the results of other recent public opinion polls. A poll published Sept. 6 by the Jerusalem Media and Communications Center (JMCC) reflected this high degree of apathy and produced similar negative results for Abbas but relatively better results for Fatah at the parliamentary level. The JMCC poll, conducted Aug. 13-21, showed “an unprecedented increase in the percentage of those who do not trust any political faction, reaching 42.8%.”

If general elections were held and Abbas did not run, the JMCC poll found, Barghouti would receive the most support. According to a JMCC press release, “26.1%, said they would vote for Marwan Barghouthi — 25.8% in the West Bank and 26.7 % in Gaza — while 12.1% said they would vote for Ismail Haniyeh — 9.3% in the West Bank and 16.7% in Gaza. Another 7.7% said they would vote for Mohammed Dahlan — 1.5% in the West Bank and 18% in Gaza.”

The JMCC findings differ slightly from the PCPSR poll for head-to-head results between the Fatah and Hamas leaders. “If Mahmoud Abbas and Ismail Haniyeh ran, 34.8% said they would vote for Abbas, while 27.0% would vote for Haniyeh,” the JMCC poll found.

Although the polling results do not look so good for the current Fatah leadership, it is unlikely that the leadership will indefinitely delay elections, especially since they have for years been demanding that elections take place. The most likely scenario will be for the Palestinian leadership in Ramallah to test the waters by conducting municipal local elections in Gaza. (Municipal elections were held in May on the West Bank, but not in Gaza.) Another factor will be whether Hamas plans to nominate one of its high-profile leaders to compete for the presidency. Winning control of the executive would be a major burden for Hamas, so it is doubtful that the weakened movement, with few regional sponsors, is of a mind to even consider nominating a candidate for president and again assuming the challenge and liability of governing.

(Source / 11.10.2017)

Seif Urges Protection of Land Registry Records in Raqqa in Letter to UNSG Antonio Guterres

President of the Syrian Coalition Riad Seif sent a memorandum to UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres and to representatives of friendly countries urging protection of the records of Raqqa’s City Council and the land registry records in the city.

Seif stressed the need to protect the land registry records in the city of Raqqa. “The Syrian Coalition stresses the need to make every possible effort to protect the warehouses where such documents, records and documents are kept and to direct your military forces in accordance with your legal, political and moral responsibilities.”

The Coalition said that all countries participating in the international anti-ISIS coalition forces bear full legal responsibility for the safety of these records. It also said that these countries bear responsibility for the actions of the forces they support and that currently control the area, whether forces of the so-called Manbij Military Council or the so-called Syrian Democratic Forces, or any other forces that are backed by the international coalition.

The Coalition emphasized it was “ready to provide a team to follow up on the issue and provide any information that ensures that these records are protected and transferred to a safe place as soon as possible.”

Seif made it clear that such measures are needed to prevent further losses and administrative chaos as well as to protect what remained of the Syrians’ rights in the province of Raqqa in general and the city of Raqqa in particular.

(Source: Syrian Coalition’s Media Department / 11.10.2017)