Fleeing Libya’s Sirte: ‘Islamic State arrived, and the end of our lives began’

More than 90,000 people have fled Sirte and the clutches of IS. Many left with nothing other than the stories of desperate conditions inside the city

Thousands of young children are among the 90,000 forced to flee Sirte

MISRATA, Libya – At the back of a carpet shop in Tripoli Street, one of the main roads through Misrata, citizens collect essential items for refugees. There are shoes, clothes, mattresses, books and games for children and even food baskets for young couples who cannot afford a wedding lunch.

The donations will be shared among the tens of thousands of civilians who have fled Sirte and the clutches of the Islamic State group. The UN says more than 90,000 have left – two thirds of the city’s population – including 35,000 in the two months since the start of a Libyan offensive to take back the city. Among them are 3,000 children under the age of three.

Misrata, Beni Walid and Tarhouna have taken in the vast majority, many of whom arrived with nothing other than the clothes on their backs and stories of their break for freedom from desperate conditions inside the city.

Fatima is in line at the carpet shop with her 13-year-old daughter Aisha, one of her five children. Until a few months ago they lived in Sirte.

“My husband is blind and has a heart problem,” Fatima told Middle East Eye. “When we were in Sirte we lived with his family, sharing the food and expenses, and as long as I could work my salary was enough to guarantee children what they needed.”

“Then Islamic State arrived, and the end of our lives began. They took possession of all aspects of our lives.”

Holding a picture of her eldest son, Ali, 15, Fatima said: “They wanted to recruit our children. We knew there were spies everywhere who controlled the boys who went to their lessons. Young people were forced to listen to their sermons.”

The situation became desperate for Fatima as food and medicine began to run out.

“At that point my husband and I began to think of escape. We were afraid of being stopped at a checkpoint and kidnapped, as we knew it was happening to many others.

“But one night we took courage and we fled. I did not want my son to be corrupted by their ideology, but at the same time I was afraid they would kill him. For this, we fled.”

‘I tried to resist till the end’

Another refugee, Ibrahim, met with MEE in a hotel in Misrata. He asked to remain anonymous for fear IS would kill his brother, whom they abducted and forced to fight.

“They took him from our home, at night, after having ransacked everything. The same thing happened to many other young people.

“They forced them to train, we know that around Sirte there are several training camps and we saw weapons arriving all the time during these months.

“I tried to resist till the end. I did not want to leave Sirte without my brother, but when the bombing started I convinced my mother to flee,” he said.

Ibrahim recounted the punishing conditions inside Sirte after IS arrived in 2014, and the reign of terror exacted on its population.

“They controlled everything: the port, the air base, the radio station, they stopped all communication with the outside, they closed banks. They taxed my shop, my family was starving.

“They forced citizens to attend public executions. Many people were beheaded and hanged on a scaffold on the roundabout in Zafran.

“I was forced to attend public executions seven times… they passed in the street with loudspeakers threatening retaliation for those who did not attend.

“They killed innocent people, accusing them of witchcraft, blasphemy, or spying.

“I can never forget the faces of my fellow citizens killed. I will never forget the pain of their families and the fear of all of us.”

‘The soldiers were mainly foreigners. Judges were Nigerian’

The IS fighters were mostly foreign, he said.

“The largest group was Tunisian, and there were soldiers from Yemen, Chad, Nigeria. Their judges were mostly Nigerians. The leaders were not Libyans – they were mostly Syrians and Iraqis.

“They were carrying lots of currencies; there were Libyan dinars but also euro and so many dollars.

“There was a prison in a school, in the Ribat area, and another at the central bank, we were all terrified of their Islamic police, terrified of ending up on their lists.

“A friend of mine was sentenced to be publicly flogged because the Islamic police claimed to have seen him smoking in public.”

He said he hated fleeing, but there was no alternative.

“And I pray for the civilians left in Sirte. Because I fear that they are used as human shields.”

“Many people ask me why I had not run away before. I answer: because Sirte is my home, because I wanted my brother back, because I was hoping that someone might save us.”

Forces loyal to the Libyan unity government, based in Tripoli, have been inching towards Sirte for two months. Reports from the front lines suggest British and American forces are directing the Libyan campaign, but progress is slow.

And the many thousands who have fled death must find a new way to live until their city is liberated.

“Now I’m here in Misrata and I pray every morning to find a job to feed my mother,” Ibrahim said.

Fatima is also struggling. “We feel deeply alone,” she said. “I have three jobs to pay the rent of the house we found, but if I pay the rent little or nothing remains to buy food.

“I had to ask Aisha to start working with me. I do not want her to do menial work too. I clean houses and ask her just to cook.”

Libyan forces launched a counter-offensive around Sirte two months ago 
(Source / 30.07.2016)

The AKP’s path to the coup

Turkish Prime Minister Binali Yildirim (front) makes his way to address members of parliament from his ruling Justice and Development Party during a meeting at the Turkish parliament in Ankara, July 19, 2016

A July 27 cartoon by popular Turkish cartoonist Musa Kart speaks volumes. Ruminating after the failed coup attempt, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is depicted wondering, “Somewhere I didn’t make a mistake, but where?” Indeed, the list of the Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) wrongs is so long that the rights are hardly discerned.

After 14 years of AKP rule, Turkey is in turmoil. The events that led to this state of affairs boil down to one simple reason: the AKP’s skewed understanding of democracy and popular will.

The toll of the July 15 coup attempt, blamed on followers of US-based cleric Fethullah Gulen, is staggering. Some 250 civilians were killed and around 1,500 injured. As of July 28, about 16,000 people were detained, including 9,000 in jail pending trial. Close to 50,000 public employees were dismissed, and 149 generals and admirals, roughly 40% of the total, were expelled from the military. Dozens of media outlets were shut down, and arrest warrants were issued for more than 50 journalists. The pre-charge detention period was extended from four to 30 days. The crackdown is being conducted through legislative decrees, made possible under the emergency rule declared after the coup attempt.

The first harbinger of the current turmoil was perhaps the 2010 referendum on constitutional changes that profoundly reshaped the judiciary. Erdogan drummed up popular support for the amendments, arguing they would end the supremacy of elites and make the judiciary truly independent and impartial. Soon, however, Erdogan and his aides would admit that Gulenist judges and prosecutors took advantage of the amendments to take control of the judiciary. This admission, however, happened only after massive corruption probes targeted government ministers and Erdogan’s family in December 2013, shattering the decadelong alliance between the AKP and the Gulen community.

The problem is not limited to the judiciary. Turkey today is a far cry from the country the AKP promised 14 years ago, with the government backtracking or turning about on key matters shaping the course of the country.

Take, for instance, emergency rule. The AKP had long boasted of ending a lengthy state of emergency in the Kurdish-majority southeast in the early 2000s, but today the whole country is under emergency rule, while dozens of cities and towns in the southeast lie in ruins after a ferocious crackdown on Kurdish militants. Similarly, the government used to boast of stamping out torture, but today Turkey is back on the watch list of leading rights groups. Even the restitution of the death penalty, removed from the books in 2004, is back on the agenda.

Keen to end the military’s tutelage in politics, the AKP backed sprawling trials of army officers accused of plotting to topple the government, which extended also to dissident journalists and intellectuals. The so-called Ergenekon and Sledgehammer cases led to a big purge in NATO’s second-largest standing army and upended its line of succession, which, as it turns out now, cleared the way for the ascent of the Gulenist officers accused of leading the July 15 coup attempt. Ironically, some of the officers who spent years behind bars in the sham trials were instrumental in foiling the coup, and some have been reinstated to senior positions. After the Gulenist-AKP alliance collapsed, the government grumbled how Gulenists in the police and judiciary had “framed” the military and designated the Gulen community as the “Fethullahist terrorist organization” (FETO). The coup attempt was only the culmination of the open war that had raged between the two since then.

On another front, the Gulen community had long been accused of stealing the questions of public service exams to install its followers in state offices. Erdogan had defended the exams as “clean” despite ample indications to the contrary. Now, the AKP chorus says “FETO was able to infiltrate the state by stealing the exam questions.”

Throughout the years, the AKP was persistently cautioned by opposition parties and the media. But criticism of the Gulenists was flatly dismissed, often perceived as malicious secularist attacks on devout Muslims. AKP leaders and supporters lauded the Gulenists as an exemplary charity movement, paid visits to Gulen in Pennsylvania and praised thecommunity’s schools, which are now being closed en masse. But not only that. The AKP saw the critics as enemies, vilified them and often portrayed them as “bootlickers” of the military. Erdogan and the AKP, after all, knew best how to run the country. Riding on a high horse, Erdogan disparaged opposition parties as “incapable of even herding a few sheep” and told critics “to keep their wisdom to themselves.”

The result is a Turkey stuck in a miserable governance crisis — the product of a mindset that sees democracy as dictating one’s own will on others and rejects any compromise with opposing thinking. Lending an ear to the opposition would have probably prevented much of the current disaster. The AKP’s own backpedaling and turnabouts are arguably a proof in itself that the opposition was right on many issues of governance, not to mention foreign policy and the Syrian crisis.

The price for Turkey is steep. Veering off from its European Union membership path, it is back to ground zero as a country associated with military coups, emergency rule, torture and mass detentions. The question now is whether the AKP can face up to its mistakes and move to control the damage.

Some positive signs have emerged to that effect. Erdogan this week convened a rare meeting with Prime Minister Binali Yildirim and the leaders of the opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) and Nationalist Action Party (MHP), which resulted in a deal for a constitutional amendment on judicial independence. The downside was the exclusion of the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party. In a further gesture, Erdogan retracted libel cases against the MHP and CHP leaders.

If the AKP sticks to this course with an earnest sense of reconciliation, Turkey stands a chance to extract a silver lining from the bloody coup bid and salvage its democracy.

Yet, one should take the gestures with a big grain of salt, given the AKP’s 14-year record and the practices unfolding under emergency rule. This is true also for this writer, who was the first in the Turkish media to use the term “parallel setup” — as uttered by intelligence chief Hakan Fidan — to describe how mighty the Gulen community had become. This was back in 2012, a whole four years before the putschists shed blood.

(Source / 30.07.2016)

What Saudi Arabia can offer Israel

Retired Saudi Gen. Anwar Eshki (C) and his delegation meet with Israeli Knesset members during a visit to Israel, July 22, 2016

This week, the Saudi Foreign Ministry clarified that a delegation headed by retired Gen. Anwar Eshki that visited Israel July 22 did not represent the views of the government in Riyadh. In response to a question by pro-Saudi newspaper Al-Hayat, the Foreign Ministry said that the Saudi government “has no ties to Eshki and the likes of him.” “The likes” of Eshki was a reference to Prince Turki bin Faisal Al Saud, who in recent years has met openly with former senior Israel Defense Forces officials Yaakov Amidror and Amos Yadlin, both retired generals. The Saudi general and prince have granted generous interviews to Israeli media outlets, maintain ties with Israeli peace organizations and sit alongside Israeli delegates at international conferences around the world.

Eshki himself recently told Israeli publication Yedioth Ahronoth, “My government did not ask me to conduct negotiations, and the Israeli side was not given such a mission or authorization either. … I don’t need permission because I am not a government official and not in any official capacity. If I were in an official capacity, this would not have happened. I define all the meetings I had with the Israelis as private and noncommittal conversations.”

Nonetheless, Middle East scholar Matti Steinberg, who documents the steps taken both to promote the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative and to undermine it, suggests reading between the lines of the Saudi Foreign Ministry’s reaction. There, he identifies a “half-hearted admission” that the government does indeed sanction the visit, given that the Saudi Interior Ministry specifically bans travel to Israel (as well as to Iran, Iraq and Thailand).

“There’s no doubt that the visit was authorized and quietly initiated by the Saudis behind the scenes,” said Steinberg, formerly a special adviser to heads of the Shin Bet security service. “I think that Egypt, too, within the framework of President [Abdel Fattah] al-Sisi’s initiative, was in on the secret.” One can also assume that without a green light, the retired general would not have met openly with the top official of Israel’s foreign service, Foreign Ministry Director-General Dore Gold, and with Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories Maj. Gen. Yoav Mordechai, the most senior IDF officer in the West Bank.

Eshki was quick to shake off the bear hug bestowed on him by members of the political opposition he met in Jerusalem. “Israel will not be able to establish relations with the Gulf states, and Saudi Arabia foremost, before it signs a permanent agreement with the Palestinian Authority,” the retired general said in a July 24 interview on Israel’s Army Radio. “There will not be peace first with the Arab states, but rather with the Palestinian brothers first.”

Afterward, Eshki wrote on Facebook, “I visited Palestine at the honorable invitation of the heads of the PA and I found it besieged by enemies who harass its residents.” In the same breath he directed a barb toward “friends who abstain from visiting them,” hinting at Arab personalities who support the Palestinian cause remotely and make do with convening conferences and delivering enthusiastic speeches from afar — the emir of Kuwait, for example. On July 25, Sheikh Sabah al-Ahmad al-Jaber al-Sabah vowed to participants of the Arab League conference in Mauritania that his country would work toward convening an international conference to discuss “the Israeli damage to the Palestinian children.”

The prime minister of Bahrain, Prince Khalifa bin Salman Al Khalifa, declared at the summit, “The Palestinian issue is at the top of the Arab League’s priorities.” But the low level of the participants, the decision to cut the summit to a single day and the speakers’ own words indicate that the agenda of the Arab leaders is totally different. The vast majority, including Sisi and Saudi King Salman bin Abdul-Aziz Al Saud, stayed home.

The speeches and resolutions focused on ways to fight against the terror organizations threatening the existing order in the Arab states. Behind Eshki’s unofficial visit and the official one July 10 by Egyptian Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry to Israel are common enemies in the battle for regional hegemony, headed by Iran and the Islamic State.

In an interview he gave last month to Yedioth Ahronoth at a conference in Doha, Eshki was frank in saying, “Circumstances have changed,” and “Today we can easily single out common enemies.” Domestic Saudi circumstances have also changed. In the era of the previous monarch, the one who launched the Arab Peace Initiative, there was no chance of reaching a real and comprehensive peace, said the retired general. “Based on personal knowledge,” he added that it’s possible under Salman.

“I know Israel has reservations about the peace plan,” Eshki noted. “We have already received comments and requests for revisions. Some of them can be resolved. … Today we can conduct talks and discussions and examine your demands.” In saying this, he contradicted the claims by Israeli opponents of the initiative that the document constitutes an inviolable dictate to Israel.

The Arab willingness to give Israel an advance payment in the form of normalizing ties with the Arab world without receiving anything in return on the Palestinian front signals a change in the Arab League’s strategy. The normalization card was offered as collateral, to be redeemed the day Israel announces its adoption of the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative.

Israel’s right-wing government portrays the public diplomacy being conducted by Egypt and Saudi Arabia as proof that its concept of “peace in return for peace” has been successful. Important Arab states are willing to openly embrace us even though we have not given up one inch of the West Bank and even as we continue to control Al-Aqsa Mosque, conveniently forgetting Israel handing over the Sinai Peninsula.

Given the government’s current makeup, one outpost in the southern Hebron hills is equal to diplomatic relations with all the Arab states. To advance the Arab Peace Initiative and to change its place on the regional map, Israel must first change its own internal political map.

(Source / 30.07.2016)

Mahmoud Kayed voices fears over life of hunger-striking brother

NABLUS, (PIC)– Mahmoud Kayed has appealed to the Red Cross to assume its responsibilities towards his brother Bilal, who has been on hunger strike for about 46 days in protest at his detention administratively in an Israeli jail. Kayed told the Palestinian Information Center (PIC) that the health condition of his brother Bilal has worsened seriously as a result of his prolonged hunger strike. He added that there are great fears over the life of his brother, especially since he already suffers from health problems.   Following a sharp decline in his health on the 33rd day of his hunger strike, Bilal Kayed was transferred from an isolation cell in Ashkelon prison to Barzilai Hospital, where he has been under intensive security surveillance, with his right hand and left foot shackled to the bed. Kayed was scheduled for release after he completed his 14.5-year prison term last June 13, but instead he was ordered to six months in administrative detention without indictment or trial.

(Source / 30.07.2016)

Palestinian legal battle over Balfour declaration a ‘long shot’

Hundreds of thousands of Jews came to settle in Palestine at the expense of the indigenous people

Occupied Jerusalem: A Palestinian plan to sue Britain over a 1917 declaration backing a Jewish homeland in Palestine could help rally supporters, but has little chance of success, legal analysts say.

The Palestinian government on Monday announced it was seeking legal action against Britain for the nearly century-old Balfour Declaration, drawing scorn from Israel.

The 1917 declaration by British foreign secretary Arthur Balfour said the British government “view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people”.

It was a major step towards the eventual establishment of the state of Israel.

The British had seized much of the land at the time as the Ottoman Empire was falling apart, and Palestinians say the declaration gave away their homeland and provided the impetus for mass Jewish migration.

They argue that the document led to the Nakba – or catastrophe in Arabic – in which more than 760,000 Palestinians fled or were driven from their homes in the war surrounding the creation of Israel in 1948.

Foreign minister Riyad al-Malki, in a recent speech on behalf of Palestinian president Mahmud Abbas, said as a result of a promise “hundreds of thousands of Jews from Europe and elsewhere came to settle in Palestine at the expense of our people.”

Asked by AFP to clarify what the claim would be and to which court it would be submitted, a spokesman for the Palestinian foreign ministry said that would soon be decided.

If seeking reparations, such a court case would be rare.

Eric Posner, law professor at the University of Chicago and author of a paper on reparations in international law, said he couldn’t think of an example of international courts being used in this manner.

In most cases, he said, reparations are given by governments that wish to atone for previous acts.

In West Germany, for example, the government set a policy that Holocaust victims could claim damages, as did the US Congress for Japanese Americans interned during the Second World War.

But Britain has never apologised for the Balfour Declaration.

“People don’t generally try to go to an international court. They go to the government and make what they see as a moral argument,” Posner said.

If the Palestinian government is set on the international courts, the first potential route would be through the United Nations’ legal body, the International Court of Justice, analysts say.

Palestine is not a full UN member state, though it has observer status.

Stuart Casey-Maslen, professor of law at the University of Pretoria in South Africa, said the Palestinians could get a vote in the UN General Assembly calling on the ICJ to investigate.

But the ICJ would only be able to judge the case by the laws that existed in 1917, Casey-Maslen explained.

This is before many of the basic principles of international law were agreed upon and as such the law is “likely to be very favourable to the UK.”

The principle of the Balfour Agreement was also ratified in 1922 by the League of Nations, the forerunner to the United Nations.

Casey-Maslen explained that in any suit the Palestinians would need to show that the declaration directly led to the Nakba and was not “superseded by subsequent events, including of course the Holocaust and the creation of the UN and its intervention in Palestine.”

The United Nations in 1947 adopted a plan for dividing the land into two states, one for Arabs and another for Jews.

Alternatively, individual Palestinians could pursue the case in the British legal system.

In 2012, Kenyans who were tortured during the quashing of the 1952-1960 Mau Mau uprising won a case in the British High Court, with payouts totalling 20 million pounds ($26 million, 23.5 million euros).

But the length of time since the Balfour Declaration and the lack of survivors makes that route difficult as well.

“We succeeded in the Mau Mau case because there were people still living from the era,” Martyn Day, senior partner at the Leigh Day law firm that brought the case, said.

“We had five test cases and one of the cases died during the action, and the judge decided against that action.

“That is a pretty clear line in the sand.”

Asked to rate the chance of any legal success through the courts, the four experts’ opinions ranged from small to “negligible.”

But Andrew Kent, law professor at Fordham University in New York, pointed out that the Palestinians may see victory more in political than legal terms.

“Could they get a statement from the UN General Assembly? Sure,” he said.

“Could they get a political statement from the (UN) Human Rights Committee? Sure. But those would not be lawsuits and would not be binding.”

(Source / 30.07.2016)

Several Palestinians, Journalists And Peace Activists Injured In Kufur Qaddoum

30 JUL
3:25 AM

Several Palestinians, including journalists, and international activists, have been injured Friday after Israeli soldiers assaulted the weekly protest in Kufur Qaddoum, east of the northern West Bank city of Qalqilia.

Morad Eshteiwy, the coordinator of the Popular Committee in Kufur Qaddoum, said the soldiers invaded the village soon after the beginning of the weekly procession, and fired gas bombs at them, causing several injuries.

The head of the Popular Committee against the Wall and Colonies Waleed Assaf called on the international community to intervene and stop the Israeli crimes against the Palestinians people, including the terrorist attack against the Dawabshafamily, who were burnt to death in their home after Israeli terrorists firebombed it last year.

|Army Kidnaps A Teen, Peace Activist, In Bil’in Weekly Nonviolent Protest|

Kufur Qaddoum S 07292016Assaf stated that the Palestinian people will always practice their right to peacefully resist the illegal Israeli occupation, and support all moves to bring Israel to justice through international courts.

It is worth mentioning that the Israeli army used to surveillance drones to film the protesters.

|Young Man Suffers A Broken Arm; Many Suffer Effects Of Teargas Inhalation in Ni’lin|

(Source / 30.07.2016)

Palestinian children subject to solitary confinement, administrative detention


An escalating number of Palestinian children are being held in solitary confinement or detained without charge or trial under administrative detention. 16 Palestinian children have been detained without charge or trial under administrative detention since October 2015, reported Defense for Children International on 28 July.

DCI highlighted the case of Abdel-Rahman Kamil, 15, of Qabatiya in Jenin, arrested in February of this year. He was interrogated in the Salem military camp near Jenin without being allowed to consult a lawyer, and asked about alleged intentions to stab a soldier, throwing stones at invading Israeli occupation forces, or knowing young men from his town who participated in Palestinian resistance activities. Despite denying all of this, he was ordered to a six month administrative detention order without charge or trial on the basis of secret evidence. Despite a court reducing the order to four months, his administrative detention was then again renewed for an additional four months in June. He was one of seven children whose administrative detention orders were renewed in the month of June.

DCI also reported that “from January through June, Israeli authorities held at least 13 Palestinian children in solitary confinement for two or more days, compared to a total of 15 cases during 2015.” One 16-year-old boy from Yabad near Jenin spent 22 days in isolation. DCI noted that “the use of isolation for Palestinian child detainees is solely for interrogation purposes to obtain a confession and/or gather intelligence or information on other individuals.”

They highlighted the case of Rami K., 18, who was held in solitary confinement for 16 days for interrogation purposes. He reported that he was interrogated for 45 hours over a period of days, and that his hands and feet were bound to a metal chair during interrogation in stress positions. Rami is currently serving a 10 month prison sentence and a 3000 NIS fine ($780). He will spend another three months in prison if his family cannot pay.

The Israeli occupation prosecutes nearly 700 Palestinian children each year in military courts, alongside its use of administrative detention against Palestinian child prisoners. Two debates have been held in the British parliament on Palestinian children in Israeli military custody in 2016,  while 20 members of the U.S.Congress urged President Obama to appoint a “special envoy for Palestinian youth,” to address issues relating to the human rights of Palestinian children and youth. Meanwhile, the Israeli state is escalating laws used to punish and imprison Palestinian children.

As DCI notes:

“The amendments to the Israeli penal code in 2015 included stricter penalties in mandatory sentencing laws such as a maximum 10 year sentence for throwing a stone, or other object, at traffic, without intent to cause injury, and 20 years for throwing a stone, or other object, at traffic with intent to cause injury. While the 20-year maximum sentencing existed prior to 2015, the word “stone” was added to specifically target Palestinian society.

Minimum penalties for stone-throwing offenses, one-fifth of the maximum penalty, were also added to the penal code. In a controversial decision, the Knesset, or Israeli parliament, added to the scope of punishment the denial of National Insurance benefits to families whose members have been convicted of throwing stones.

According to the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI), proposals are also in the works to impose life sentencing for children under the age of 14.”

(Source / 30.07.2016)

US Commander Campbell: The man behind the failed coup in Turkey

The organizer and financial distributor of the coup attempt turns out to be an ISAF ex- US commander, investigation reveals

A former U.S. commander of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), a NATO-led security mission in Afghanistan, was the organizer of the July 15 military coup attempt in Turkey, sources said.

General John F. Campbell was one of the top figures who organized and managed the soldiers behind the failed coup attempt in Turkey, sources close to ongoing legal process of pro-coup detainees said.

Campbell also managed more than $2 billion money transactions via UBA Bank in Nigeria by using CIA links to distribute among the pro-coup military personnel in Turkey.

The ongoing investigation unveiled that Campbell had paid at least two secret visits to Turkey since May, until the day of the coup attempt.

The coup plot that was foiled by the comprehensive effort of Turkish Nation, including its citizens, politicians, media and police forces, was organized by the Fethullah Terrorist Organization (FETO) led-by so-called cleric Fethullah Gülen who has been living in self-exile in America for several years.

American Intelligence, Military and other institutions are accused of supporting the FETO leader Gülen and his gangs for the military coup.

Military sources said Campbell, who was the commander of ISAF between August 26, 2014 and May 1, 2016, had made some top secret meetings in Erzurum military base and Adana İnicrlik Airbase.

İncirlik Airbase has been used by the U.S. Military for conducting the anti-Daesh campaign in Syria.

Military sources said that Campbell was the man, who directed the process of trending / blacklisting the military officers in the base.

If the coup attempt was successful, Campbell would visit Turkey in a short time, according to the sources.

Transition of $2 billion from Nigeria to Turkey

The Nigeria branch of the United Bank of Africa (UBA) was the main base for the last six-months of money transactions for the coup plotters.

Millions of dollars of money has been transferred from Nigeria to Turkey by a group of CIA personnel.

The money, which has been distributed to an 80-person special team of the CIA, was used to convince pro-coup generals.

More than 2 billion dollars were distributed during the process leading to the coup.

After taking money from their bank accounts, the CIA team hand delivered it to the terrorists under the military dresses.

Categorizing the military officers

The sources said that some familiar figures in the Eastern and Southeastern part of the country had taken active roles during the process, while the members of the Gülenist gang have been used in central and eastern region.

All officers who command a group of soldiers in a patrol station, unit, company, regiment, brigade, division, corps, or army were kept in close surveillance.

In 2015, the pro-Gülenist officers in the İncirlik base established an investigation desk. They drew the map of all soldiers under their command. They investigated the soldiers’ trends, their personalities and family background.

All soldiers were categorized in three groups: opponents, neutrals, and supporters.

A commander from the smallest patrol station to all military units had been blacklisted under the process.

Soldiers who were marked as opponents to the junta, was debarred from the “financial support.”

The military personnel who were in a neutral position received a difference in the amount of money, according to the importance of their position and ranks.

The money transactions were started in March 2015 through the commissioned “courier”.

The supports who also were categorized as “those who will move with us,” were provided a huge amount of money.

All soldiers and officers in this category were considered as the devoted members of the FETO terror group.

A bag with a large amount of money was found in the room of Brigadier General Mehmet Dişli, one of the top military officials detained for leading the coup attempt.

(Source / 30.07.2016)

Israeli Special Forces, US Marines hold secret exercise in Negev

Mine-Resistant Ambush Protected (MRAP) vehicles.

US military armoured vehicle [File photo]

Israeli Special Forces and the US Marine Corps last week held secret army exercises in the Negev, southern Israel, to counter Daesh’s threat, Israel’s Channel 2 revealed yesterday.

The drill, dubbed “Noble Shirley”, involved special units from the Israeli Air Force, navy and ground forces in helicopter landings behind enemy lines, urban warfare, close-range combat and military takeover techniques.

The operations also included medical rescue of wounded soldiers in enemy territory and the coordination of Israeli and US medical teams.

According to the channel, part of the military training took place in a virtual city that resembles populated Palestinian cities. It had been built by the Israeli army in one of its army camps in the Negev.

(Source / 30.07.2016)

Israeli forces detain 5 Palestinians, injure 1 in raids

West Bank Pal opgepakt

HEBRON (Ma’an) — Israeli forces detained at least five Palestinians and injured another between Friday evening and early Saturday morning across the occupied West Bank, including a teenager and a Palestinian Presidential Guard member.In the village of Beit Ummar in northern Hebron on Friday evening, Israeli forces detained a Palestinian teenager, according to local activist Muhmmad Ayyad Awad, who identified the teen as 16-year-old Muhammad Samir Sadiq Abu Maria.During a predawn raid of the Hebron-area village of Beit Anun on Saturday, Israeli forces detained Palestinian Presidential Guard member Fahmi Nidal al-Froukh after ransacking his home and several others, according to locals and confirmed by an Israeli army spokesperson.To the north in the occupied West Bank district of Jenin, Israeli forces raided the eastern part of Jenin city, detaining three Palestinians and injuring another when clashes broke out being Israeli soldiers and locals.Palestinian security sources told Ma’an that Fawzi Abu Daqqah, 21, was injured with a rubber-coated steel bullet and was taken to Jenin Governmental Hospital for treatment in a light-to-moderate condition, while others suffered from tear gas inhalation.Sources said Israeli forces detained three youths during the raids, identified as Thaer Jihad Ahmad Hathnawi, Abdullah Ahmad Diyab al-Husari, and Abd al-Rahman Faisal Qasim.According to the Israeli army spokesperson, two Palestinians were detained in Jenin refugee camp in the western part of the city and another in the city itself.According to prisoners’ rights group Addameer, as of May there were some 7,000 Palestinian prisoners held in Israeli custody — 414 of them minors — the majority of whom were detained during the near-nightly raids Israeli forces conduct across the occupied Palestinian territory.

(Source / 30.07.2016)